Métodos de reconocimiento y análisis de aceites esenciales

After this introductory chapter, the second chapter sets the context of the thesis by discussing the urban form of satellite cities and the differences between them and other private sector urban developments such as gated communities. I look at the proliferation of satellite cities in Jakarta in the 1980s and 1990s and then in other cities in developing countries. The chapter also discusses the reasons for satellite city development. I argue that these include the demand from a growing middle class, the increasing globalisation of urban development capital, entrepreneurial actions of urban governments, and the growing involvement of private sector actors in city development and planning.

Chapter 3 presents the theoretical background to the research. I argue here that the development of satellite cities in Phnom Penh is driven by intra-Asian networks of urban development capital and concepts. By focusing on the East Asian region I build upon recent calls to take into account diversity of urbanism in a wider range of sites outside of the ‘West’

(J Robinson, 2006) and to cultivate ‘new geographies of theory’ (Roy, 2009a).

The fourth chapter details the research design and methods. The empirical research draws on approximately 30 interviews with urban planning professionals, local and national government officers, NGO leaders, real estate agents and property developers conducted between October 2010 and December 2011, as well as 20 shorter interviews with people living near Camko City, and ethnographic data derived from casual conversations and interactions in Cambodia. It also makes considerable use of data gathered from a variety of sources including newspapers, research reports, investment statistics, legal documents and government policies.

The remaining chapters present my theoretically informed findings.

Chapter 5 provides the background to Phnom Penh’s urban development.

This chapter principally relies on reports, newspapers, and other secondary data as academic research on Phnom Penh is relatively sparse. In this chapter I briefly cover the history of Cambodia and the influence of historical factors that are essential to understand urban development. The major part of this chapter is situated within the last decade, when the power of the ruling party was cemented and the country was fully opened up to the global economy. I discuss the effects of these political and economic factors on the development of Phnom Penh, in particular the real estate ‘boom’ that lasted from approximately 2005 to 2008 and led to a number of new urban forms that rapidly changed the landscape of the city.

Chapter 6 looks specifically at one type of large-scale peri-urban development project: privately built satellite cities. I detail the extent of satellite city development around Phnom Penh, and provide a background to the two case studies – Camko City and GPPIC. I also discuss the impacts on local communities, the integration of these enclaves with the existing city and critically discuss the nature of demand for these schemes.

In Chapter 7, entitled Satellite Cities (Un)planned, I argue that private sector satellite cities are not simply a response to the state’s incapacity to plan Phnom Penh’s development and provide infrastructure. Although, certainly, loose planning regulations mean that this kind of large-scale development can occur more easily than in places with stringent development control. I suggest that the informal nature of planning has impeded attempts at comprehensive urban planning. Additionally, the fact that the state does not have the budget to finance necessary urban infrastructure nor the urban planning expertise means that the private sector can take advantage of providing this to the growing middle class. However, the state also has a key role to play. The state can rationalise such projects, allow land acquisitions by certain development companies at below market prices, and create incentives to lure the inflows of private capital.

The eighth chapter, entitled Tracing the Production of Satellite Cities, argues that satellite cities are driven by capital and models from within the

East Asian region. In particular, I trace back the networks of the two case study companies, one back to South Korea and another to Indonesia, and analyse how and why the two companies decided to operate outside of their national borders. In doing so, the chapter discusses the flows of urban development capital and the role of the state in supporting business internationalisation as an economic development strategy. The two companies have different imaginaries of Cambodia, and this has shaped the nature of their urban development projects. The chapter will also discuss the mobility of city building knowledge and, more specifically, the concept of the private sector satellite city. Overall, I argue that the development of Camko City is bound up with South Korea’s close political, diplomatic and cultural ties with Cambodia, which have been one of the major precursors of South Korean investment. South Korea’s state led globalisation policy has also supported the operation of South Korean firms overseas. The development of GPPIC, by contrast, is contingent on the activities of a single Indonesian company, Ciputra. The internationalisation of Indonesian companies is not as formally supported by the state as it is in South Korea.

The South Korean firm behind Camko City did not have previous experience in satellite city development, but Ciputra, the developer of GPPIC, is one of the leading urban development companies and the founder of the business was behind the first private sector satellite city in Indonesia.

In the conclusion, Chapter 9, I outline main themes of the thesis and discuss the wider significance of the issues raised. I also offer a number of suggestions for future study.

2. Satellite City Development in Southeast