The social
and
Economic
Impact of
Immigration
Despite the difficulties that some immigrants encounter in integrating into the labour market discussed above, the economic impact of immigration in Ireland is judged to be positive. Overall, Ireland gained significant economic benefits from the inflow of immigrants that occurred up to May 2004. Barrett, Bergin and Duffy (2006) estimate that the immigrant inflow in the five years up to 2003 increased GNP by 2.6 per cent and GNP per head by 0.4 per cent. If all of the immigrants had been employed in occupations appropriate to their levels of qualification, both figures would have been about a half percentage point higher. In addition, the increase in the supply of highly qualified immigrants up to that time helped to reduce earnings inequality.
The economic benefits that accumulated up to 2004 occurred in a policy environment in which work permits were issued to overcome skill and labour shortages and to maintain economic growth. Nationals of the ten new EU Member States who joined the EU in May 2004 have been allowed unrestricted access to the Irish labour market. This has resulted in a substantial increase in the number of immigrants from these countries, many of whom are working in low-paid jobs. This could mean that the reduction in inequality that occurred following the earlier immigrations may not be maintained.
1.4.2 THE SOCIAL IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION
For the most part, legislation does not distinguish between nationals and legally resident non-Irish nationals in the provision of services. This situation was reviewed ahead of the accession of ten new EU Member States in 2004 and a Habitual Residence Condition (HRC) was introduced to protect the Irish social welfare system in the event of large-scale migration from the accession states. The basic requirement for a person to be deemed ‘habitually resident’ is to have been resident in Ireland or the UK for a continuous period of two years before making an application for social welfare. The implementation of the HRC has been problematic, however, and the European Commission initiated an ‘infringement procedure’ over the extent to which benefits were being denied to EU citizens.There was a relaxation in the implementation of the HRC towards
INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT FOR THE STUDY 15 the end of 2005, with the effect that EEA nationals with a work history in the State could access benefits under the Supplementary Welfare Allowance scheme. Restrictions on Child Benefit and the One-Parent Family Allowance were also lifted, with the effect that all workers, whether EEA or third-country nationals, may now apply for Child Benefit, and all EEA workers may apply for the One-Parent Family Allowance.
In terms of the impact of immigration on health services, media attention in 2004-2005 centred on the pressure put on maternity services by large numbers of non-EU nationals arriving in Ireland to give birth at short notice. However, this provides only a partial picture of the pressures and impacts of substantial immigration on the Irish health service, and actions taken to address these. The HSE's National Intercultural Health Strategy provides a comprehensive framework within which the health and care needs of people from diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds are addressed, together with the learning, training and support needs of staff around delivering a culturally competent service (HSE, 2008).
It is also important to note that immigrants in Ireland are providers as well as users of the Irish health service and the Irish health sector is dependent on continued immigration to function effectively. For example, in December 2005, of the almost 14,700 doctors holding full registration with the Medical Council in Ireland, 20 per cent had overseas addresses. Statistics from the CSO show that the proportion of other healthcare workers in the Irish workforce, primarily nurses, has increased substantially in recent years. While only 2 per cent of the health and social care workforce were foreign nationals in 1998, this proportion had increased to 8 per cent by 2004 and 16.5 per cent by 2006 (Barrett and Rust, 2009).12
I
reland has relatively robust legislative provisions around racism and discrimination. Measures such as the Employment Equality Acts, 1998 to 2007, and the Equal Status Acts, 2000 to 2004, provide important protection for immigrants in the labour market and in accessing goods and services, and bodies such as the Equality Authority and the Equality Tribunal have an important role in implementing the legislation.1.5
The
Experience
of Racism
and Irish
Attitudes to
Immigrants
13 The Garda Racial and Intercultural Office was set up within the Irish police force to develop and monitor strategies to deal with ethnic and racial diversity. The National Consultative Committee on Racism and Interculturalism was established in 1998, with the role of monitoring and responding to racism in Ireland. The NCCRI was also closely involved in policy development in the area, and drafted the National Action Plan Against Racism (NAPR), which the government launched in January 2005. From a policy perspective, ‘interculturalism’ rather than ‘multiculturalism’ has been adopted as an underlying principle:The term ‘multiculturalism’ is sometimes used to describe a society in which different cultures live side by side without much interaction … the term ‘interculturalism’ expresses a belief that we all become personally enriched by
12 ‘Health and social care workforce’ includes nurses/midwives, nurses’ aids/care assistants
and ‘other health associate professionals’.
16 ADAPTING TO DIVERSITY:IRISH SCHOOLS AND NEWCOMER STUDENTS
coming in contact with and experiencing other cultures, and that people of different cultures can and should be able to engage with each other and learn from each other (NCCA, 2006, pp. i-ii).
Empirical research on racism in Ireland has been limited, partly due to measurement difficulties. McGinnity et al. (2006) conducted the first large- scale nationally representative study of immigrants’ subjective experiences of racism and discrimination in Ireland. The survey measured perceived discrimination in a range of different situations – in the workplace, in public places, in shops/restaurants, in commercial transactions and in contact with institutions, among a sample of work permit holders and asylum seekers. All of the respondents were non-EU adult migrants, representing a broad range of nationalities from North and South/Central Africa, from Asia and from Eastern Europe. Using a questionnaire developed in Sweden to measure discrimination, adapted for the Irish case, the questions measure discrimination on the basis of national/ethnic origin as perceived by the respondent. In general, the report found marked differences between regional groups in the experience of discrimination, with Black South/Central Africans experiencing the most discrimination of all the groups studied – at work, in public places, in shops/restaurants and in contact with Irish institutions, even after controlling for differences in education, length of stay and gender. Asians are more likely than East Europeans to experience discrimination in public places, and less likely to experience discrimination in commercial transactions, and from institutions. These findings suggest that the overall experience of discrimination may be strongly related to race and national origin.
This report also found that asylum seekers are much more likely to experience discrimination than work permit holders. This is true for all the domains which are relevant to both groups: public places, shops, restaurants and institutions, even after controlling for national/ethnic origin. The authors suggest that this may be to do with Irish attitudes to the two groups: work permit holders are seen as ‘legitimate’, paying taxes and contributing to the economy. Asylum seekers are seen by some as a burden on the State, and some media reports have suggested that their claims are not genuine. Unfortunately, there are no systematic studies on attitudes towards the two groups, just more general studies of attitudes towards immigrants (see below).
This survey was part of a wider project assessing discrimination in twelve EU countries, and follows a broadly similar methodology to these studies (EUMC, 2006). In general, levels of reported discrimination on the grounds of ethnic/national origin tend to be lower in Ireland than in the other EU member states, particularly Southern European countries.
Concerning attitudes of the population towards migrants, MacGreil has published two volumes on attitudes to minorities more generally in Ireland (MacGreil, 1996), and there are qualitative chapters in the volume edited by MacLachlan and O’Connell (1996). Comparative European surveys which measure attitudes to minorities, immigrants and migration include the Eurobarometer surveys and a special module of the European Social Survey (2003). While all surveys of this nature face the problem that respondents may wish to conceal racist attitudes, these surveys ask the same questions and use the same methodology in a number of European countries, and are thus highly comparable and useful for monitoring trends
INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT FOR THE STUDY 17 over time. In general, indicators from the European Social Survey suggest that the indigenous population in Ireland is reasonably open to, and tolerant of, immigrants, though over time comparisons using the Eurobarometer indicate that, in recent years, Irish attitudes have converged to the EU average in terms of the perceived limits to cultural and ethnic diversity (see Hughes et al., 2007 for more details of how attitudes in Ireland have changed in recent years). It is interesting in the context of this study that Eurobarometer data indicate particularly positive attitudes to migrants held by young people in Ireland.
T
he evolution of Irish migration can be characterised in terms of three phases:1.6
Irish Policies
Concerning
Migrants:
Immigration
and
Integration
Policies
1. Substantial outward migration from before the Famine to the early-1990s;
2. A dramatic increase in inward migration from the mid-1990s to 2004, predominantly return Irish migrants, linked to the economic boom, entailing state policies of a more ad-hoc nature;
3. Since 2004, a phase of more secure, stable and perhaps permanent immigration, dominated by migration from other EU countries (particularly the new accession States), in which the majority of immigrants are likely to be entitled to a more comprehensive package of economic and civil rights than in the previous phase (Hughes et al., 2007).
Arguably migration policy from the mid-1990s to 2004 (phase 2) was of an ad-hoc nature and assumed that migration would be temporary. Policy was driven mainly by economic necessity, with the work permits system primarily oriented towards the needs of employers to meet short-term labour shortages but on a time-limited basis and linked to one employer. The work permit system assumed that permit holders would leave Ireland when their skills were no longer required. Asylum policy was formed rapidly and subject to many revisions, as Irish institutions struggled to cope with the rising volume of asylum applications.
EU enlargement, which resulted in a dramatic increase in labour supply from within the extended borders of the European Union, as well as a decline in the inflow of asylum seekers and returning Irish nationals, heralded a new phase in Irish migration. Since 2004, nationals of the New Member States enjoy broadly the same rights as EU citizens. In particular, they are free to move in and out of Ireland, to be accompanied by their families, and to settle here. This is in contrast to work permit holders whose residence was time-limited and linked explicitly to an employer. Since May 2004, an increasing number of jobs have been filled by nationals of New Member States, and it is government policy that EU nationals will fill most of Ireland’s future skills and labour deficits. This policy of sourcing most labour from within the enlarged EU has already clearly impacted on the composition of flows shown in Figure 1.2.
The Employment Permits Act (2006) introduced a new employment permits system that sought to shift the balance of non-EU economic immigrants towards the highly skilled by introducing more selective
18 ADAPTING TO DIVERSITY:IRISH SCHOOLS AND NEWCOMER STUDENTS
migration, and to extend the rights of those immigrants. A system akin to green cards has been introduced for selected high-skilled occupations with salaries above set thresholds.
While these characteristics of the new phase apply most particularly to EU nationals, they are also reflected in other recent changes in Irish immigration policy. A new body named the Irish Naturalisation and Immigration Service (INIS) was established in 2005 within the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform to streamline the provision of asylum, immigration, citizenship and visa functions formerly spread across the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and the Department of Foreign Affairs. The Immigration, Residence and Protection Bill (2008) is the first major shift in law in the area since the 1935 Aliens Act. The Bill, which is in the final stages of the legislative process but not yet enacted at the time of writing, codifies issues such as immigration, residency categories, protection and removal from the State. Features include a new visa scheme; the use of biometric data for non-EEA nationals; longer-term residency permits; enhanced detention and deportation powers; a single procedure for asylum application, and new rules for family reunification.
Policy in this new phase of migration has become increasingly focused on integration. A Minister for Integration was appointed in Summer 2007, which shows the prominence integration has now been given by government in the Irish policy context. A recent statement of policy from this Minister, “Statement on Integration Strategy and Diversity Management”, envisages a number of actions to facilitate integration.14 In addition to supporting the recent reforms of immigration policy and citizenship described above, there is a commitment to reducing inordinate delays in the asylum process. Long-term residency rights may be contingent on proficiency of skills in English language, though how adequate training of adults will be provided has not yet been decided. (At the time of writing, a review of adult language provision was completed but not yet published.) The statement of policy also outlined more targeted support for teachers and parents dealing with diversity in schools, which sets social integration in schools in the context of wider integration measures in Ireland. The Minister for Integration will also set up a structure to assist and reflect the changing dynamics of migration into Ireland, and to establish future policy needs, a Ministerial Council on Integration. As noted above, the National Action Plan against Racism (2005-2008) enhanced protections against racism and discrimination, and is integration driven.15 As well as government policy measures, a wide range of ‘bottom up’ initiatives at community level aim to promote integration ‘on the ground’.
14 These are summarised in “Migration Nation. Statement on Integration Strategy and
Diversity Management”, produced in Summer 2008. Most of the following information is derived from this source.
15 The NCCRI was closed, with effect from December 31st 2008, as a result of cuts
INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT FOR THE STUDY 19
I
t is important finally to reflect on education policy and immigration. There exists European legislation on the right to education of immigrant children. The 25 July 1977 Directive of the Council constitutes the first legislative measure of the European Community concerning the education of the children of migrant workers, though while significant it has not yet been transposed in most member states. It relates solely to the children of immigrants from the Member States and includes provision for education adapted to their special needs, the importance of learning the host language, as well as tuition devoted to their mother tongue and culture of origin.1.7
Education
Policy and
the Children
of Imigrants
A number of European documents have considered how education systems attempt to integrate immigrant or newcomer students. These have included Integrating Immigrant Children into Schools in Europe (2004). In July 2008 a Green Paper, Migration and Mobility: challenges and opportunities for EU education systems, was adopted which the Commission hopes will open the debate on how education policies may better address the challenges posed by immigration and internal EU mobility flows. Such documents tend to view school-based measures for immigrant children as part of a wider EU objective, led by the Lisbon Summit, to become a knowledge-based economy and society by 2010. That is, the integration of immigrants in accordance with law is now an important constituent of European Union policy and the education system has been identified as an arena in which integration can occur. While the European Union is gradually adopting a fully consistent policy for asylum and immigration, Ireland and the United Kingdom may do so at their discretion in accordance with Article 3 of the Protocol to the Amsterdam Treaty.
As a result, there are certain conditions which hold for newcomer students in Irish schools. Migrants from outside the EEA (including children) enter and reside in Ireland subject to a range of immigration and residency categories, with specific education rights/entitlements, as described in an earlier Section. All children, including unaccompanied minors and other asylum-seekers, have access to primary and post-primary education, including YouthReach, on the same basis as an Irish citizen but do not have free access to further (PLC) or third-level education or FÁS training programmes. Recognised refugees may receive grants for third- level education but all other non-EU nationals must pay third-level fees, which are often substantially higher than EU fees.
Adult asylum seekers have no right to free full-time education. Asylum seekers (over the age of 18 years) are eligible for language and literacy provision, as well as mother culture supports through the VEC Adult Literacy Service and ESOL programmes, but have no access to free further education (PLC, FÁS) or third-level education.
All children resident in Ireland have the right to access free primary and post-primary education. Restrictions do exist, however, on whether or not non-EU children may come to Ireland and enter the education system in the first place. These may be revised in the light of the expected
20 ADAPTING TO DIVERSITY:IRISH SCHOOLS AND NEWCOMER STUDENTS
Immigration, Residence and Protection Bill, discussed above. Currently, recognised refugees, work permit holders, green card holders and scientific researchers may either bring their children with them or subsequently apply for family reunification.16 Family members (i.e. spouse and dependants) may accompany a Green Card holder or a scientific researcher on admission into the State or join later subject to normal immigration rules. For other groups of migrants, entitlements regarding bringing children are less clear. In July 2008, new immigration arrangements were published by