Módulo 3 Cálculo de indicadores financieros

which were MP-5 machine guns. One of the guns, a Baretta of 22 caliber was known as an “assassin gun,” this fact caused quite a scandal when it became apparent that it was imported into the country during the period when Mehmet Ağar was Minister of Interior. The gun, widely used by Israeli secret service and security, is not employed by the Turkish Security, classified “not compatible with standards.”

The accident and the events which succeeded, revealed the bonds between MP-police- radical-rightist activists, and drew much concern on the “essential attributes of the state.” The joint interests and business connections of the ministers of state, high-level bureaucrats, police chiefs, army officers with radical rightist activists, confessors and village guards was clearly revealed by this accident. It all became clear that this organization, the “gang,” as it was popularly called, was engaged in illegal acts such as drug trafficking, running casinos, collecting tributes for personal benefits, using facilities provided by the state.

Mehmet Ağar, who was Minister of Interior Affairs when the accident happened, later argued that “Sedat Bucak and Hüseyin Kocadağ had caught Abdullah Çatlı and were on their way to hand him over to the authorities.” Mehmet Ağar resigned from office on November 8. He was replaced by Meral Akşener, known for her close ties with the Çiller family. Mehmet Ağar made a statement on November 16, which later would cause much dispute; “We engined 1000 secret operations for the welfare of the people.” These words were taken as a confession for a large number of killings, ambushes in which people with no weapons had been murdered, and caused much reaction and tension.

Tansu Çiller, who was Deputy Prime Minister at the time, declared Abdullah Çatlı “honorable” in spite of large public reaction. She made this declaration at a speech she delivered at DYP parliamentary assembly on November 26, and her words were later much criticized and regarded as an affirmation of her “infamous connections.” She implied that Abdullah Çatlı had “worked for the state”; “I don’t personally know him (Abdullah Çatlı). But I investigated. He’s not sentenced in Turkey. Those who fire a bullet and those who get hit by a bullet for this nation, for this country, for this state always have our respect, they are honorable.” Likewise, DYP Deputy Head Mehmet Gölhan spoke highly of Abdullah Çatlı. He said; “someone called Haluk Kırcı just spoke and said he (Abdullah Çatlı) took no part in the events. This made him greater in my eyes.” in a TV program in which Sedat Bucak was also a guest.

Suat Parlar, lawyer and author of “Hidden State from the Ottoman Times to Present Day,” “Economy-politics of Armed Bureaucracy,” “Counter-guerilla’s actions in Turkey,” drew attention to interesting points which he called “infamous connections” in an interview in the weekly Gazete Pazar. Here are some highlights:

Parlar, in his evaluation of the supporters of the gang members of Susurluk Case, points out two separate laws in Turkey: “It was demonstrated one more time that they have their own ranks and that these ranks are framed within hidden but factual codes of conduct. How was this demonstrated? They attacked us saying we’re traitors. “We are the land, we are the state,” they say. I don’t think they care about being put on trial, either. It really is an irony, this “hidden state.” It’s all so apparent. There was no need for a rocket signal such as Susurluk. It’s all been so clear since the Ottoman Secret Police. But even this explicitness is not enough to provoke the Turkish society.”

He feels that the society is holding an affirmative position towards the gang by staying silent. “There are two sides to this. A silent consent of accomplices is secured and people are getting used to it. Large masses of the society take an affirmative stance towards certain ill- doings. Thousands participated in the Maraş massacre. I am of the conviction that this is an important indicator. Thousands also participated in the 6-7 September events. The domestic war that is going on unleashed a fascist potential with its own hard-liners. These hard-liners set an affirmative mechanism into action. It is not for nothing that these powers openly declare that “they are the real patriots, they are the state.” This conviction also stems from a collective social legalization process. Sad, but true.”

Parlar, linking the affirmative stance of the society with the spoils of rentiers acquired by mafioso connections, went on: “It is inconceivable in economical-political terms; the official

moved. There was no car in sight. As we were moving to the right bank there was a loud noise and jolt in the truck. Something had hit from the back. The collision was so great that the trunk was crashed. I was not fast, I had just started the engine. All of a sudden there was a crowd. I helped pull a wounded man. The other was dead. I recognized none of the deceased. The rumor that I was involved in a plot is an absolute lie.”

figures for gross national income are much different than unofficial figures. This shows that in Turkey we have to force our imagination beyond the accepted rules of economy. As far as I know OECD’s official figures for last year’s gross national income are 197 billion dollars, while the unofficial figures are 287 billion. Just think about the rest. This is the system.”

[Parlar] states that the drug traffic, which is carried out under the control of intelligence organizations all over the world, constitutes an important revenue in Turkey. “The figures of state officials show that the profit gained from drug traffic is 25-50 billion dollars. This is alarming! No one in Turkey can claim to be free of guilt. It’s not even outside the system, and the rocket signal in Susurluk necessitated a need for purification. In other words, those who control the system are in need of a purification. They are in need of stepping outside these events.

In June, before the Susurluk incident, OECD warned Turkey. “Funds accumulating in Turkey have raised questions on the legitimacy of the neo-liberal economy worldwide” it was said. After that, a draft legislation was presented to the parliamentary committee, yet it was just for show. The Söylemez case was revealed, but this was not enough. After some time the Susurluk incident took place. Had that accident at Susurluk not happened, something else was likely to come up. Something was bound to happen, because the system felt the need for restoration; some had gone far beyond their due, they should be kept in order. All institutions needed a re- structuring. The legitimacy of system should be re-enforced. This process was utilized in these terms. I believe that these structures are now much more powerful and imperceptible than ever.”

News of the counter-guerilla, extra-judicial killings, the relations between radical right- wing activists with the intelligence teams were reflected in public even before Susurluk. Among others, Uğur Mumcu of Cumhuriyet and Örsan Öymen of Milliyet dailies had written lengthy comments on this issue in their corners.

Doğu Perinçek, Head of the Worker’s Party claimed that Deputy Prime Minister Tansu Çiller and Minister of Interior Affairs Mehmet Ağar had formed a “company of crime” engaged in illegal activities. Perinçek, who rested his case on a report allegedly prepared by MİT, suggested that this crime organization was a part of Tansu Çiller’s secret team and that the bugging of telephone lines, a scandal that led to fierce quarrels was also an act of this team.

Doğu Perinçek said that the incidents and names covered the period when Mr. Ağar was Chief of Police, up to March 1995. The report, asserting that the company was directed by Mehmet Ağar and Korkut Eken, advisor to the Chief Police, also held the “team” responsible for the deaths of Tarık Ümit, Lazım Easmaelli and Askar Smitko, a drug dealer of Iranian origins. The report claimed that “Abdullah Çatlı Haluk Kırcı, Sami Hoşnav (Sami the Albanian), Sedat Peker Abdurrahman Buğday, Mehmet Gözen and Ali Yasak (Drej Ali) were in Ağar’s crime organization. It also maintained that this special crime organization was handling the drug traffic in Germany, Holland, Belgium, Hungary and Azerbaijan under the guise of “Anti-PKK and Dev-Sol operations,” that they were provided with police ID’s and green passports. Those connected in the drug traffic were “Hurşid Han, Nihat Buldan, Şefik Karay and Adil Tımarcı.”

On October 3, Doğu Perinçek presented the file to the Head of the Parliament with the hope that it would forge the way to a parliamentary investigation. In the file, it was claimed that Tansu Çiller, when she held the office of Prime Minister, had formed a special intelligence team with the 500 billion Turkish liras acquired by secret funds; and it was stated that “Çiller is responsible for the special crime organization whose members consist of certain state officials from MİT, Police Force, JİTEM, Special Forces and some who have links with crime organiza- tions known as the drug mafia and ultra-nationalist mafia; she has nourished, protected and manipulated this organization. This organization of Çiller’s has ties with CIA and MOSSAD. The scope and activities of the CIA organization lately uncovered in Iraq is alarming.”

MİT’s report:

MİT’s report of November 10, 1987, classified as “Top Secret”, blamed Chief of İstanbul Police Ünal Erkan and his Deputy Mehmet Ağar. Some testimonies from the MİT report establish the links between high ranking police officials and the mafia:

• Tahsin Şahinkaya has close links with İstanbul Deputy Police Chief Mehmet Ağar, and

Mr. Ağar is engaged in the former’s private affairs, including tailoring-cleaning of his clothes.

• Mehmet Ağar has close ties with İbrahim Aslan and Mahmut Şahin, owners of the

companies for which Kemal Kaçar is a coordinator; and he supplies these people with information about the investigations and interrogations which should otherwise be kept

secret. Aslan Nakliyat, which belongs to İbrahim Aslan, is in TIR transportation business, with 150 TIR. İbrahim Aslan was engaged in drug trafficking and arms trade.

• The person operating the connections between the mafia and İstanbul police is retired

Homicide Chief Ahmet Ateşli, who has more power over İstanbul police than the Chief of Police. Such power is all the more apparent in the Second Branch. Chief of İstanbul Police Ünal Erkan and his assistants call him “Baba (Father) and Ağabey (Big brother). Ünal Erkan, during his office as Deputy Chief of Police, and Mehmet Ağar during his office as chief of the second branch, formed close ties with Mr. Ateşli and the police- mafia connections were enforced. Ünal Erkan, who was known to have close ties with Kurd Ahmet and Kemal Horzum in Ankara, was the subject of much controversy when he was appointed to İstanbul. He was introduced to Özal with good credentials and he became the Director of the Police force in İstanbul, bringing his staff with him.

• Mehmet Ağar had Lokman Kundakçı beaten by an underground gang, and later took him under his protection. In this way he developed close ties with Mr. Kundakçı, and he did the same with Turan Çevik. It is Mehmet Ağar who introduces underground leaders such as Turan Çevik, Fevzi Öz, Necdet Ulucan to high-level bureaucrats, even Ministers in Ankara; he secures their connections and legalizes their activities.

• Mehmet Ağar’s, Nihat Camadan’s, İsmail Taşkafa’s, Ziver Öktem’s and Necati Altun-

taş’s illegal assets are transferred to Ağar’s uncle Yılmaz Akçadağ and his partner Ekrem Gocay, and these people loan money to businessmen with huge interests. Ağar’s 18 houses and estates are registered on Yılmaz Akçadağ’s former wife, Şükran Akça- dağ. Ms. Akçadağ has professed that she is uncomfortable with this situation.

• Ünal Erkan and Mehmet Ağar make use of two houses in Etiler-Ulus and Kadıköy-

Bostancı for their secret meetings. The house in Ulus is rented by Vekin Aktan from Diyarbakır, and the rent is paid by Behçet Cantürk.

• Mehmet Ağar is in partnership in bogus export schemes with Turan Çevik, Burak

Sağman and certain bureaucrats. His business interests are under the care of his driver, a police officer named Necdet, who often goes to Ankara. Necdet has resigned from office after rumors about this connection, and rented a 160 bed hotel in Ayvalık.

• Bülent Gökben, Mehmet Serdar Alpan, Fikri Parparoğlu and Fahrettin Özdemir were

caught with 10 kilos of heroin in Milan, on August 5, 1985. The Italian police searched them thoroughly and found the telephone numbers, “528 28 14” and “172 08 08”. The Chief of the Smuggling Department asked İstanbul Police Department the names of the owners of the numbers, but received an indefinite answer. These two numbers actually belong to Mehmet Ağar’s office room.

After the accident

The flow of information on “state-mafia” (*) connections gained speed after the accident. It had some very important effects, but expectancies were not met, not at least until the end of 1997. One of the most important consequences of Susurluk was the participation of masses in ex- pressing the need for “clean society, clean state.” “A Minute’s Darkness for Continuous Light” vigil, a spontaneous “Citizens’ initiative” spread out after the initial hesitancy, in spite of the efforts of the police, the government and right-wing circles to prevent such demonstrations.(**) Large numbers of citizens expressed their hope for a “clean society - clean politics” by turning their lights off and on every evening at 21:00 hours, and by taking part in demonstrations in streets and squares.

One of the earlier demonstrations was staged by workers from DİSK on November 30. The workers sent letters to the Head of Parliament from Bakırköy and Kadıköy post offices as part of a rally for sending letters and collecting signatures. Rıdvan Budak, Chairman of the workers’ union DİSK, said the motto “Sovereignty belongs to the nation, with no condition” is just an empty phrase in the Assembly, adding “It’s not clear what the state-secret protects or serves; some state officials behind the invisible walls of national security hold the power.”

(*)_{Mustafa Tören Yücel, General Director of Judicial Records and Statistics of the Ministry of Justice, said}

that the illegal gains of the mafia, which has 23,000 gunmen, was more than 12-13 trillion TL for each year.

(**)_{Celal Cankoru died because of an hearth attack after he was beaten by the police for participating in “A}

“State-mafia” connections were protested by non-government organizations and a trial for Tansu Çiller at the High Court was demanded by political parties and unions on 7 December, in a public rally for a “Clean Society.” In İstanbul, 500 protesters walked to the Galatasaray High School with candles and torches, at a rally organized by ÖDP, shouting slogans such as; “Brighten the darkness, put the gang to trial!”

On 15 December, ten thousand assembled at HADEP’s “Clean Turkey” rally at Abide-i Hürriyet Square, Şişli, declaring that the government should put an end to the extra-judicial killings, and that the gang members should be put on trial. The security forces did not allow the protesters to open their banners alleging orders from the Governor, and a letter by HADEP Chairman, Murat Bozlak, sent from the jail, was read to the crowd. Murat Bozlak, in his letter, said; “This is a historical turning point. You shall either stand by the gang, or by democracy, law, peace and the public. We want peace. Let us walk on the gang together.”

ÖDP organized a rally on December 17. The protestors, shouting “They will either pay up for their deeds, or the public will sweep them,” parodied the cleaning of dirt with their sweepers. On December 27, a crowd of 1,000, comprising the Board Staff of Türk-İş, 28 union leaders, branch executives and office representatives, marched together.

On December 30, Tansu Çiller, head of DYP, faced a private protest of Haluk Ağabey- oğlu, as she was inspecting the İstinye Hospital. Haluk Beyoğlu, who shouted; ‘You can’t hide your gangs with this! Long live Freedom and Solidarity!’ was stopped by Tansu Çiller’s security. Mr. Ağabeyoğlu was detained for a while, and then let free.

Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan on the other hand, declared all social protests which gained momentum at this period, “A Minute’s Darkness for Continuous Light” foremost among them, as foreign influences. He had already used the terms ‘Intrigues, envy, parasites’ on this subject; and now he took a more critical view by saying; ‘Foreign and domestic influences acting together with the provocation of PKK.’ Erbakan added; ‘Foreign powers are watching closely this great progress of Turkey. There are many who’d rather have an underdeveloped Turkey. There are those who provoke PKK and cause disturbances in Turkey, and we can all see clearly that such actions only aim to hinder our great effort for development. No one should take these actions into account. No one should participate in these artificial actions, nor spread them around, with an air of glory. These things were transient. passing, they came and passed away.’

The investigation launched by Susurluk Public Prosecution Office subsequent to the accident was later handed over to İstanbul SSC Public Prosecution Office. The indictment pre- pared by İstanbul SSC Public Prosecution Office after the completion of the investigation, demanded that İbrahim Şahin, the former Deputy Chairman of the Special Operations Depart- ment, Korkut Eken, the Counselor of the Prime Ministry, and the special team members Ayhan Çarkın, Ercan Ersoy, Oğuz Yorulmaz, Enver Ulu, Mustafa Altınok, Ziya Bandırmalıoğlu, and Ayhan Akça, and Abdülgani Kızılkaya, the private guard and driver of Sedat Bucak, should be punished under Articles 313 and 296 of the Turkish Penal Code, and in case the immunities of Mehmet Ağar and Sedat Bucak were abolished, both should be put on trial on the same accusations. The files concerning Sami Hoştan, Ali Fevzi Bir (who was caught later), Yaşar Öz and Haluk Kırcı, who could not be caught in spite of the searches, and whose testimonies were not obtained, were separated. The SSC Public Prosecution Office issued the decision of non-