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1. The Idd el-Hajj, the hajj, and sacrifice in the Qur’an and Sunna

In this chapter we explore three literary sources, each of which pro- vides us with a different angle for the study of the Idd el-Hajj. To start with,

we examine the Qur’an, hadith and Muslim interpretative reports in order to

explore the possibilities and limitations of using these authoritative texts to legitimate the Sacrificial Feast. In the second part we turn to scholarly works on sacrifice, and examine the ways in which Islamic sacrifice is perceived there. The works of historians of religion and philologists are of particular importance in this section. In the final part of this chapter, a discussion of three ethnographic monographs on the Idd el-Hajj in Morocco, France and Egypt will indicate the extent to which this book’s questions (the relation- ship between text, ritual and identity) have been addressed by anthropolo- gists.

a. The Qur’an and the Idd el-Hajj

Most Tanzanian Muslims experience the Idd el-Hajj as a festival authorised by the Qur’an. Such a claim can mean three different things: a) the Qur’an literally prescribes the Idd el-Hajj; b) the Idd el-Hajj is joined to the hajj, which is itself a Qur’anic imperative; c) the Idd el-Hajj is a re-enact- ment of Ibrahim’s sacrifice described in the Qur’an.

The first statement (the Qur’an literally prescribes the Idd el-Hajj) is derived from a single, unclear verse: Q 108:2 “So pray to your Lord and sacrifice (fa-anhar).” The Arabic verb n-h-r (derived from the word for upper portion of the chest, hence also slaughtering) is employed here and is read

by most Muslims as a reference to the yaum al-nahr (Day of Immolation), a

common expression for the Idd el-Hajj. Whereas most Muslims and western scholars alike uncritically accept this evidence or do not wish to question it (Brisebarre 1999:96)1

mtion that fa-anhar is a reference to the Day of Immolation (Peters 1994:365; Luxenberg 2004:308). Further, many Muslim (as opposed to western) schol- ars find this evidence unacceptable. The major problem for believers is that

the verse appears in a Meccan sura, which is too early to be connected with

what is commonly accepted to have been the later introduction of the Idd el-Hajj. It would imply that God had ordered Muslims to participate in a pagan sacrificial rite long before it had been Islamised!

Four other loci in the Qur’an are used to legitimate current ideas on sacrifice.2

Words related to the stem q-r-b (to approach) appear in connection with animal sacrifice (e.g. 3:172; 5:27). The second text is especially impor- tant because it is related to the animal sacrifice of Habil, the son of Adam. Although the Qur’an itself is silent about the details and significance of this sacrifice, Muslim interpreters have indicated this verse as the first direct reference to the later practice of the Idd el-Hajj. Ibn Kathir (ca. 701/1300- 774/1373) explains that Habil’s ram was received by God, preserved in para- dise and again lowered to Earth during Ibrahim’s trial, before finally being

slaughtered again.3

Thus, the link between the first sacrifice and the Idd el- Hajj is established by later commentators rather than by the Qur’an itself. A second word cluster (dh-b-h; to cut, to slaughter) is used in relation with a heifer slaughtered by the prophet Musa (2:71), sacrifices to the idols (5:3) and the animal given as a substitute for Ibrahim’s son (37:107). A third word (h-d-y; to bring, to guide) explicitly refers to animal sacrifices in the context of the rituals near the Meccan sanctuary. However, this offering is sent only as a compensation for those pilgrims who are not able to partake in the ritu- als themselves. Instead of sacrificing at home (as is done in the Idd el-Hajj),

the hady underlines the importance of the Ka’ba and the rites performed

there. Q 5:2 makes explicit that these animals are sacred and that killing them violates a taboo:

O ye who believe! Violate not the sanctity of the symbols of Allah, nor of the sacred month, nor of the animals brought for sacrifice (al-hady), nor the gar- lands that mark out such animals, nor the people resorting to the sacred house, seeking of the bounty and good pleasure of their Lord.

A final word which can have the connotation of sacrifice is mansak (pl:

manasik or nusuk) which also appears in the descriptions of the hajj (2:196; 22:34, 67). However, the most common explanation of this word is ‘religious rite’, ‘worship’, or ‘expiatory sacrifice’ to pay for certain transgressions (but see Lech 1979:166).

To conclude: there is no definitive rule in the Qur’an prescribing the obligation to sacrifice or to celebrate the Idd el-Hajj. However, the quota-

tions above also show the acceptance of the ancient hajj and its related

sacrificial rites by the young Muslim community. b. The Qur’an and the hajj

When Muslims claim that the Idd el-Hajj is a Qur’anic-based ritual this can also signify that the Idd el-Hajj is perceived as being intimately con-

nected to the hajj, which is indeed a Qur’anic imperative. Several Qur’anic

statements command the hajj and a whole chapter is named after the pil-

grimage (Q 22). Among scholars there is no serious discussion about its reli- gious status.4

The hajj is presented as part of the ‘din Ibrahim’ (the religion of Ibrahim), and consists primarily of a visit to the house of God (the Ka’ba) as rebuilt by Ibrahim and Ismail. The most common references show the intimate link between Ibrahim, the Ka’ba and the hajj:

Q 3:

95. Say: “(Allah) speaketh the Truth: follow the religion of Abraham, the sane in faith; he was not of the Pagans.”

96. The first House (of worship) appointed for men was that at Bakka: Full of blessing and of guidance for all kinds of beings:

97. In it are Signs Manifest; (for example), the Station of Abraham; whoever enters it attains security; Pilgrimage thereto is a duty men owe to Allah,- those who can afford the journey; but if any deny faith, Allah stands not in need of any of His creatures.

Q 2:

124. And remember that Abraham was tried by his Lord with certain com- mands, which he fulfilled: He said: “I will make thee an Imam to the Nations.” He pleaded: “And also (Imams) from my offspring!” He answered: “But My Promise is not within the reach of evil-doers.”

125. Remember We made the House a place of assembly for men and a place of safety; and take ye the station of Abraham as a place of prayer; and We cove- nanted with Abraham and Isma’il, that they should sanctify My House for those who compass it round, or use it as a retreat, or bow, or prostrate themselves (therein in prayer).

126. And remember Abraham said: “My Lord, make this a City of Peace, and feed its people with fruits,-such of them as believe in Allah and the Last Day.” He said: “(Yea), and such as reject Faith,-for a while will I grant them their pleasure, but

will soon drive them to the torment of Fire,- an evil destination (indeed)!” 127. And remember Abraham and Isma’il raised the foundations of the House (With this prayer): “Our Lord! Accept (this service) from us: For Thou art the All- Hearing, the All-knowing.”

It becomes apparent from the way in which the Qur’an deals with the

hajj, that it is not a new institution but rather an ancient practice which was known to all. That the hajj festival was adopted from pre-Islamic practice is widely acknowledged among Muslims. It was therefore deemed unneces- sary to describe the rituals in detail, but rather to reflect on ad-hoc ques- tions. See, for example, the following verse (2:203):

Celebrate the praises of Allah during the Appointed Days. But if any one has- tens to leave in two days, there is no blame on him, and if any one stays on, there is no blame on him, if his aim is to do right. Then fear Allah, and know that ye will surely be gathered unto Him.

In the extensive literature on the hajj this is explained as referring to the final three days of the pilgrimage (11 till 13 Dhulhija) which may be shortened to two days.

This succinct way of describing ritual obligations makes it difficult to derive current practices directly from the Qur’an. This becomes clear when we turn to the topic of sacrifice. We have already noted that the Qur’an speaks about animal sacrifice in a variety of ways, but there is no direct, une- quivocal prescription regarding if and how Muslims should sacrifice their

hajj-animals. The following quotations show the most explicit references to

animal sacrifice within the framework of the hajj.

Q 22:28-37:

28. “That they may witness the benefits (provided) for them, and celebrate the name of Allah, through the Days appointed, over the cattle which He has pro- vided for them (for sacrifice): then eat ye thereof and feed the distressed ones in want.

29. “Then let them complete the rites prescribed for them, perform their vows, and (again) circumambulate the Ancient House.”

30. Such (is the Pilgrimage): whoever honours the sacred rites of Allah, for him it is good in the Sight of his Lord. Lawful to you (for food in Pilgrimage) are cat- tle, except those mentioned to you (as exception): but shun the abomination of idols, and shun the word that is false,-

31. Being true in faith to Allah, and never assigning partners to Him: if anyone assigns partners to Allah, is as if he had fallen from heaven and been snatched up by birds, or the wind had swooped (like a bird on its prey) and thrown him into a far- distant place.

32. Such (is his state): and whoever holds in honour the symbols of Allah, (in the sacrifice of animals), such (honour) should come truly from piety of heart. 33. In them ye have benefits for a term appointed: in the end their place of sacrifice is near the Ancient House.

34. To every people did We appoint rites (of sacrifice), that they might celebrate the name of Allah over the sustenance He gave them from animals (fit for food). But your Allah is One Allah. Submit then your wills to Him (in Islam): and give thou the good news to those who humble themselves,-

35. To those whose hearts when Allah is mentioned, are filled with fear, who show patient perseverance over their afflictions, keep up regular prayer, and spend (in charity) out of what We have bestowed upon them.

36. The sacrificial camels we have made for you as among the symbols from Allah. In them is (much) good for you: then pronounce the name of Allah over them as they line up (for sacrifice): when they are down on their sides (after slaughter), eat ye thereof, and feed such as (beg not but) live in contentment, and such as beg with due humility: thus have We made animals subject to you, that ye may be grateful.

37. It is not their meat nor their blood that reaches Allah. it is your piety that reaches Him: He has thus made them subject to you, that ye may glorify Allah for His Guidance to you and proclaim the good news to all who do right.

To conclude: sacrifice is among several of the pagan hajj institutions that are accepted by the young Muslim community, but they are hallowed by pronouncing the name of God and stressing the spiritual nature of the ritual.

c. The Qur’an and Ibrahim’s sacrifice

Many, if not all, Muslims find the ultimate Qur’anic base of the Idd el- Hajj rituals in the story of Ibrahim. Q 37 relates how Ibrahim is tested by God, asking him to sacrifice his son Ismail as follows:

Q 37:

102. Then, when (the son) reached (the age of ) (serious) work with him, he said: “O my son! I see in vision that I offer thee in sacrifice: Now see what is thy view!” (The son) said: “O my father! Do as thou art commanded: thou will find me, if

Allah so wills one practising Patience and Constancy!”

103. So when they had both submitted their wills (to Allah), and he had laid him prostrate on his forehead (for sacrifice),

104. We called out to him “O Abraham!”

105. “Thou hast already fulfilled the vision!” - thus indeed do We reward those who do right.

106. For this was obviously a trial-

107. And We ransomed him with a momentous sacrifice:

108. And We left (this blessing) for him among generations (to come) in later times:

109. “Peace and salutation to Abraham!”

Despite the absence of any Qur’anic obligation to re-enact this

“momentous sacrifice”, we will see how the link between the hajj, the Idd

el-Hajj and Ibrahim’s trial is greatly stressed in Tanzanian sermons. Although most Muslims accept that there is no particular Qur’anic command to per- form the Idd el-Hajj, others condemn the pronouncement of such state- ments as a sin.5

However, all agree that the role of the prophet Muhammad in the institutionalisation of the Idd el-Hajj must be recognised.

d. The Idd el-Hajj and the Prophet Muhammad

Two revolutionary developments changed the pagan hajj ritual into

an acceptable Islamic festival. One had to do with the place, the other with the time. The spatial development from a local cult based at a sacred cen-

tre (the Meccan hajj) to a global phenomenon involving the whole Islamic

community (Idd el-Hajj), and the temporal change dissolving the bond of the solar season and religious ritual, were very effective binding elements for the young community. What is crucial in these developments is that by sundering the relationship between the Mecca sanctuary and the Idd, the ritual became replicable in other locations (Smith 1992:94).

Both changes expressed a general trend towards a more spiritual sig- nificance of the hajj. When the significance of the rituals was slowly removed from the specific places of worship, sacred mountains, wells and the Ka’ba, the hajj could be transported to other places. The figure of Ibrahim probably simultaneously facilitated the new spiritual, trans-local meaning of the hajj. The assumption (most vocally expressed by Snouck Hurgronje [1880:187, passim] but see also Bell [1933]) that Ibrahim only became important after Muhammad was expelled from Mecca, has largely been discarded by most scholars (cf. Chelhod 1955:38-39; Paret 1971). The origin of the Idd el-Hajj as

either a prophetic plot to attract the Jews with an ‘Abrahamic’ festival or an attempt to conciliate the Meccans after Muhammad’s rupture with the Jews from Medina can historically not be proven (cf. Haarmann 1975). It is more likely that Ibrahim already functioned as a real ‘héros civilisateur’ (Grandin

1978) in pre-Islamic Mecca. However, the link between Ibrahim and the hajj,

together with the changing emphasis from Isaac to Ismail in the sacrificial myth, must be dated to the Medinian period (Platti 1994:165). It is unlikely

that these changes coincided with the changing nature of the hajj and sac-

rifice. Rather, it must have taken place sometime between the flight from Mecca and ten years later (10 H/632), when Muhammad performed his final pilgrimage.

There is no reason to doubt the traditional account that the first Idd el-Hajj took place on the 10th Dhulhija of the first or second year after the flight from Mecca to Medina, corresponding with 3 June 624 (Bell 1933; Mit- twoch 1971; Platti 1994; Brisebarre 1999:96). One theory argues that after

the battle of Badr (Ramadan 2 H.), when the sending of hady animals to

Mecca became impossible as a result of the hostilities, the Prophet changed the ritual and made the animals themselves the true “symbols of Allah” (Q 22:35) instead of the visit to the Meccan sanctuary (Bell 1933). Rashed (1998:21-25) proposes that the social and psychological effects of the Badr victory supplied the necessary conditions for a new community festival to

express the common identity of the Muslims from Mecca (muhajirun) and

those helpers from Medina (ansaar). Spatial changes such as an Idd el-Hajj

no longer dependent on the Meccan sanctuary and a new prayer direction (from Jerusalem to Mecca), together with temporal innovations like a new weekly day of congregation and the change from a solar to a lunar calendar, provided in the course of only a few years a strong social cohesion for the new religious group.

Together with the changing significance of the natural phenomena of the hajj, the original temporal framework also became obsolete. In the first

place, the link between hajj and autumn festivals developed a new meaning

when Muhammad introduced the lunar calendar. Throughout the variety of solar seasons, the worship of the monotheistic divinity remained the same.

The other major seasonal Arab festival, the umra, had been celebrated in

the spring but was eventually joined to the hajj. Both had a different spatial focus: the umra was a typical Meccan festival consisting of the ritual circu- mambulation around the Ka’ba and running between two sacred hills. The

hajj, on the other hand, was located around the plains of Arafa (figure 2). As we will see in chapter 9 most Tanzanians still perform the two together, as

is allowed in the Qur’an (2:196). The Ibrahimian model was laid over all of these distinctive rituals and provided them with a meaningful purpose.

Apart from the disconnection between agricultural and solar seasons

on the one hand and the hajj rituals on the other, another temporal innova-

tion took place in these years. The Idd on the 10th Dhulhija became known

as ‘Id al-adha’ and that day’s sacrifice as udhiyya or dahiya, from the same

root, d-h-y (to become visible, to appear). The word dahiya has a twofold

meaning of forenoon and sacrifice. Although the Qur’an does not mention this word, ‘Id al-adha’ has become the most common label for the Idd el- Hajj in most parts of the Islamic world. When these hajj practices took over, the Muslim community felt the need to separate them from any unwanted pagan connotations of sun worship. It therefore became necessary to per- form the prayer and the Idd el-Hajj sacrifice after sunrise, as indicated by the new name (Hames 1998:8-9). The same ritual mechanisms we see in the development of the prayer times culminate in an absolute taboo on prayer during sunrise and sunset (Rubin 1987).

The spiritualising trend visible in these spatial and temporal changes took place in the relatively short period of ten years which passed between the Flight and Muhammad’s demise. Indeed, it is not possible to pinpoint the exact time at which all of these elements were introduced. For example, it is unclear if the festival prayer (salat) had already started to be practiced in the first year of the Hijra or whether it was introduced together with the