Módulo de mantenimiento de planta – ERP SAP

The methodology (chapter 2) presents the rationale for the approach adopted, and details the data collection and analysis techniques used. In providing a deeper insight into the production and treatment of the material presented in this thesis, I hope to alert the reader to the limitations as well as the strengths of this method. Working with quantitative and qualitative data has presented challenges of integrating findings, but adds scope for understanding the wider context into which the discussion group research fits.

The structure of the substantive chapters of this thesis draws upon Fairclough's formulation of Bhaskar's (1986) ‘explanatory critique’ (Fairclough, 2009, p.167). This recommends the four stages of analysis listed below, to consider the discursive treatment of a social wrong. Section 1.3 identifies why inequality can be interpreted to be a social wrong.

Stage 1: Focus upon a social wrong, in its semiotic aspect. Stage 2: Identify obstacles to addressing the social wrong.

Stage 3: Consider whether the social order ‘needs’ the social wrong. Stage 4: Identify possible ways past the obstacles.

These stages roughly equate to chapters, except that stage one is split into two chapters, the first focusing on words and the second on maps as semiotic forms of inequality. Each chapter includes a literature summary, which complements the broader literature summary (section 1.4) by introducing specific debates that pertain to those particular findings. These self-contained thematic chapters integrate findings, interpretation and discussion so that the reader need not skip back and forth between chapters.

Spoken discourse about inequality is the subject of chapter 3, which details ways in which inequality and the world are conceived. This short chapter presents constructions of inequality; the metaphors and stereotypes used to represent inequality vary, for example, inequality may be described as many struggling to support the few – or alternatively few successful people supporting many. These techniques of simplification obscure some aspects of inequality whilst highlighting others. This chapter also addresses how people conceive of the world, in particular by addressing the world as the extent of one’s awareness, which usually does not extend to the entire globe.

Chapter 4 introduces novel world maps that depict those earning over US$ 200 and under US$ 2 a day (purchasing power parity). The maps were made as part of the Worldmapper project aiming to share more widely United Nations data that describe the world, with people around the world. Whilst the meaning of maps is a popular topic of research, this chapter focuses on how audiences interpret those maps in Kenya, Mexico and the UK. This chapter shows the difficulties experienced in reading these cartograms, but also focuses on the way that maps can elicit discussion about the world and in particular draw attention to inequality.

Discursive and attitudinal obstacles to addressing inequality are identified in chapter 5. These obstacles are split into two parts, one is affirmative support for the existing social order and the other is its defence. I show a widespread aspiration to improve oneʼs lot, concern with social mobility rather than social change, and optimism for the future, which discourages talk of change. That inequality is presented as unproblematic, ʻnot my responsibilityʼ, the only viable option, and created by natural forces also serves to block discussion about change. These obstacles present some of the norms and beliefs about the nature of society that collectively discourage movement towards greater equality.

Chapter 6 questions the extent to which inequality is presented as a necessity for our existing social order, and how it fractures society to the extent that we may have systematically limited empathy for and awareness of others in

society. Some participants argue that inequality is necessary for society to function. However even supporters of inequality see extreme poverty and associated powerlessness as unacceptable aspects that should be addressed. Thus whilst inequality “functions” for some, what this functioning is doing has reached some moral limits.

Overcoming obstacles to inequality is described in chapter 7. These ideas were generated from the discussion groups, and thus respond to the need for wider, more inclusive debates about issues that face us all. Reframing the terms of debate is one way in which a more critical discussion can take place: thinking holistically, responsibly, systemically, historically, morally, and emotionally. When combined these can move away from the narrow thinking that there is no alternative. Ways of bringing change into daily life form the second part of this chapter, and include charitable giving, respectful interaction, involvement in change, and thinking in terms of utopias. Together this shows that there are many small ways in which inequality is contested alongside more organised movements against inequality.

The conclusion recapitulates the major findings of this research and, reflecting on the implications of these findings, considers national and international policy approaches to inequality. This consideration acknowledges the importance of public support for policy and also the flexibility of discourse. The framing and interpretation of inequalities has important implications for social reality; possibly the most efficient way to address inequalities is through policy change. As such, international public discourses that critique inequality of outcome and call for positive alternatives play a key role in instigating change.