Módulos de salida y entrada

In many respects, this dissertation establishes how global frameworks such as REDD+ are fraught with competing interests and are interpreted at multiple scales, and how the realization of objectives is contingent on local context, uneven power relations, and diverse subject positions of the stakeholders that must be aligned and mobilized to achieve project goals. It also elucidates the local place-based realities of a community- based conservation initiative that was brought into conversation with market principles and the commodification of nature through a global policy such as REDD+, and how it is shaping local forest governance creating allowing new outcomes such as efforts to clarify tree tenure rights, as in other places (Lawlor et al. 2013). For some cocoa farmers at the specific CREMA site in Ghana, the arrival of decentralized forestry interventions created an enabling environment to advocate for tree tenure reform and local rights over forest resources. At the same time, REDD+ has been utilized by multiple kinds of “local” authorities (chiefs, government agencies, farmers, experts, and new elites, local NGOs) to strengthen claims over their power to manage forest resources. Further studies are needed to understand how the emerging spaces for political possibilities could transform state- society-community relation in forest governance and what those changes could mean for forest conservation and human well-being.

Another potential avenue for research is to examine the role of CREMAs in forest rehabilitation, on biodiversity, how they affect land use and land cover change, and their impacts on habitat quality outside of protected areas and forest reserves. Ghana is losing forests at the rate of 20 kha/year (FAO 2015), and most of the remaining forests are in its 250 forests reserves and seven national parks in a human modified matrix. Eighty-six percent of these forest reserves are located in the HFZ and cover about 20 percent of the zone (Odoom 2005). About fifty-five percent of the total reserve area in Ghana is “degraded” while twenty-nine percent is in “very bad condition” (Hawthorne and Abu- Juam 1995). Biogeographers and ecologists continue to emphasize the impact of forest habitat loss and fragmentation on biodiversity (Brashares, Arcese, and Sam 2001, Kupfer, Malanson, and Franklin 2006).While studies recognize the implications of forest habitat loss on Ghana’s biodiversity (Blay et al. 2008), the ecological impacts of

habitat management around dispersed protected areas, through collaborative initiatives such as CREMAs, have not been explored in depth. Forest loss and fragmentation reduce habitat resources and divide species populations, change species interactions and

disturbance regimes, modify micro-climate conditions, and increase exposure to invasive species and pests, but the severity of many such impacts vary greatly across the human- modified landscape mosaic (Kupfer, Malanson, and Franklin 2006). The thirty CREMAs in Ghana, all operating with a mandate to manage wildlife and conserve natural resources outside protected areas, require further examination to understand their effect on

conserving biodiversity and wildlife habitat. Studies on the impact of forest

fragmentation and habitat loss conducted in tropical forests show that the primary forest habitats are irreplaceable for their role in sustaining biodiversity in tropics (Gardner et al.

2009; Gibson et al. 2011), But there is little information on biotic responses to varying levels of human usage across the landscape across or the potential value of human- modified systems for species of concern. Use of some recently available globally consistent satellite derived data (Hansen et al. 2013), and geospatial platforms could be leveraged to answer some of these questions (Global Forest Watch 2014; GEE 2017).

This dissertation did not deeply engage the political economy of forest

conservation via CREMAs and REDD+. Political economic studies of the environment emerged from an interest in the interaction of state and non-state actors within

environmental and economic policy processes (Clapp and Dauvergne 2005). Studies on the political economy of reforestation and forest restoration programs in Asia–Pacific has identified key governance challenges, including corruption and rent transfer to elites (Barney 2008; Barr and Sayer 2012). A range of actors and institutions (ministries, timber and plantation companies, NGOs, elected government, political and corporate elites, Chiefs, local population) are involved in the CREMA/REDD+ process. Therefore, the political economic analysis will illuminate the political and economic interests at various scales in REDD+ and the implications of those strategic interests for forest governance and achieving the intended outcomes of these interventions (Luttrell et al. 2013). For example, in the context of REDD+ and the economic incentives that it may present, it will be worth examining the evidence on potential re-alignment of power relations among chiefs, the REDD+ constituency, the state, forestry bureaucracies and donors and how these re-alignments influence existing strategic relations. As the

CREMA/REDD+ interventions talk about training and “capacity–development” of local farmers, a political economy analysis will also reveal the realities that marginalize them

(Faye and Ribot 2017). The findings from a political, economic analysis could potentially help policy makers structure REDD+ in a way that it delivers benefits across the broad range of stakeholders involved in the REDD process in Ghana.

6.4.1 Revival of the CREMA through Governance Reforms

As of March 2017, the Bontori CREMA is operating under Phase II of the “Towards Pro-Poor REDD” project implemented by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN), in collaboration with its local partner Codesult Network, and the Wildlife Division of the Forestry Commission.103 The revival involved providing financial and technical support to the CREMA to develop a comprehensive five-year Action Plan. The IUCN facilitated the process to design an operational strategy for the CREMA that will help revamp the governance structures and instruments of the CREMA and guide it on a path to sustainability. Implementation of the Action Plans was initiated with a review of their CREMA Constitution to reflect current challenges and

opportunities. They also developed and published the District Assembly bylaws that provide the CREMA with the needed legitimacy in a government bulletin. The initial phase of reviving the CREMA is expected to end by May 2017, and the future replication of the activities currently undertaken in the second phase of the REDD+ project will be subject to the availability of additional funds.

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