The final aspect of Mycenaean palatial economy to be considered is the distribu- tion of goods. Allocation of materials for production is discussed above in section 5; here the goods in question are finished products, whether acquired from outside the palatial sphere of control or manufactured in palatial industries. Centrally
82 .
4 Dimitri Nakassis, in The Individual and the Mycenaean State: Agency and Prosopography in the
Linear B Texts from Pylos (diss. U. of Texas at Austin 2006), makes a good case also for the iden-
tity of smiths and shepherds with the same name.
5 Some 280 names are preserved in the surviving Jn tablets; this may represent as little as two- thirds of the full series (Lejeune 1961: 425), or nearly 100% (Smith 1992–1993: 172 n. 4), depend- ing whether one ties the extant total of Jn bronze to a larger amount on PY Ja 749.
produced prestige goods, like perfumed oil and certain textiles, were certainly sent abroad in trading and gift exchanges, in return for exotic materials like ivory and precious metals. Though the lack of record-keeping on such transactions contin- ues to puzzle Mycenaean scholars, their existence is clear from archaeological evi- dence: the presence of imports at Mycenaean sites, the presence of Mycenaean pottery abroad (especially the stirrup jars which contained oil, and perhaps other liquids), and the shipwrecks which preserve goods in transit (Shelmerdine 1998: 291–6 with references). Inter-state transactions also took place; the circulation of inscribed stirrup jars attests to that, as does the word te-qa-de, ‘to Thebes’, on tablet MY X 508 from the House of Shields at Mycenae – surely a reference to Boeotian Thebes. Despite the rarity of textual documentation, it seems likely on archaeological grounds that palatial control of such exchanges, both within Greece and abroad, was very strong (Voutsaki 2001: 208–13).
At the other end of the spectrum, the best-documented recipients of goods made or collected by the palaces were the gods. Indeed, the amount of tablet space devoted to religious offerings is disproportionate, in that they represent only a small fraction of the goods in circulation (Bendall 2001). No distinction is made between goods manufactured under direct palatial control and those requisi- tioned: the Pylos tablets record, for example, offerings of both perfumed oil and *146 cloth, a tax commodity. Much of what the gods receive, though, is requisi- tioned: we find offerings of spices and honey, as well as locally made textiles. Indeed, the Mb and Mn series record both inventories of *146 cloth and its allo- cation; when the purpose of the allocation is clear, it is either for religious purposes or as an irregular o-no payment (see above, section 5; Shelmerdine 1998–1999: 332–5). The ruling elite, and particularly the king, mediated between the state pop- ulace and their gods; this was one function that clearly displayed and effectively reinforced the power of the centre, and especially of the king (Wright 1995).
A related phenomenon is the organising of ritual banquets, which again had both a religious dimension and a socio-political one (Wright 2004, with refer- ences). Banquet supplies, both food and textiles, have now been extensively recog- nised in the tablets (for instance, Thebes Wu series; Knossos C 941; Pylos Un 2, Un 47, Un 138, Un 1177, some tablets from Cc, Cn and Fn series), and a Pylian list of gifts to Poseidon, for instance (Un 718) closely resembles the list of banquet supplies for the initiation of the king (PY Un 2). As in the case of religious offerings, many of the foodstuffs are contributed not directly by the palace but by others. This is particularly true of the meat. Oxen are offered by individuals and military groups (KN C[2] series; PY Cn 3, Cn 418); sheep and goats are also sup- plied to the centre, often by inference for such occasions. It has been the norm to think of a Mycenaean wanax as offering banquets to reinforce his standing with local elites, and to reward their loyalty. It is more accurate, though, to say that the king may organise religious festivals and banquets, but demands the supplies from others in most cases, rather than supplying them himself. This arrangement is in fact consistent with Homeric epic, where a banquet can be provided to an
elite individual as a reward for service. The most famous example comes from Sarpedon’s speech at Iliad 12.310–21, where ‘pride of place, choice meats and brimming cups’ (translation: R. Fagles) both reward heroic leadership and carry an obligation to perform as leaders in battle. So Rundin (1996) observes that Homeric feasting is a ‘dominant element’ in a ‘network of exchange’ tying com- munities together: ‘the network relies on the ability of people of high status to appropriate the products of those who are subordinate to them.’ This seems very much to be the dynamic at work in Mycenaean Greece.6
7. CONCLUSION
The redistributive economy over which the Mycenaean palaces presided was, it is clear, complex, multi-faceted and above all flexible. Direct supervision was exer- cised only over the most important industrial efforts, which produced prestige goods for trade, ritual offerings and elite consumption at home. In everything else the palace played a variety of roles, from pure consumer/customer to partial organiser. Often it directed others at a more local level, involving the centre only so much as was necessary to achieve a desired amount of goods or services. The real power of the king and his administrators was to harness the diverse resources of a Mycenaean state, both human and material, to the distinct advantage of themselves. This upward channelling of such resources to the centre provided work and profit for other members of the state, particularly local elites. The tholos tomb built at Nichoria (the Further Province district center of ti-mi-to a-ke-e) in LH III A2 was used throughout the LH IIIB period; the sealstones, sword and bronze vessels deposited in it were likely the fruits of a profitable relationship between a district governor and Pylos (Nichoria II, 260–84, 766–7). Ordinary members of the state, however, no doubt saw the influence of the centres chiefly in negative ways: the obligation to military service, the imposition of taxes, and so on. However variable the control of the palatial administrations, their effect was pervasive. One of the best indications that this was so is the relative flourishing of other parts of Greece during LH IIIC, when the power of the states had reached its end (Deger-Jalkotzy 1996).
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