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CAPÍTULO VI. ESTRUCTURA ORGANIZACIONAL

156 6.8 MANUAL DE FUNCIONES.

While the theories of Foucault and Bourdieu have their origins in the field of sociology, they have been applied to the field of international relations. In the case of Foucault, this can be seen in Michael Hardt and Antonio Neigri’s utilisation of his concepts to explore American hegemony in the post-Cold War world in Empire. This depicted American hegemony as a superstructure in the vein of Foucault’s theories. Bourdieu’s concepts have been applied to this field by Vincent Pouliot (2013, pg. 53) as part of a wider criticism of the established theories in international relations, most notably the liberal and realist doctrines. Pouliot views the latter as being reductivist in character alongside the claim that states act towards others based on the meanings that they give to other states rather than the inherent logic of power politics.

Alongside the concept of soft power, the constructivist approach to international relations was a product of the Post-Cold War era, which sought to criticise the perceived limitations of the more established theories (Grieco, 2008, pg.65). This sought to criticise the more rationalist approaches to international relations, most notably the realist doctrine, which was viewed as being of limited utility in exploring the strategies and behaviour of nations (Fordham, 2009, pg.251). As with the concept of soft power, the constructivist approach questioned the nature of power in international relations, which was furthered by the decreasing utility of hard power, the common measure for power and state capacities (Lock, 2010, pg. 32). Instead, this approach sought to explore the role of identity and meaning, aspects that had previously been overlooked by the more established approaches to international relations, asserting that a state’s behaviour is dictated by its identity and the meaning that it ascribes to other states (Reus-Smit, 2009, pg. 223). Such an approach is reflective of the images of China’s African policies since these images can influence the way that states react to Chinese foreign policy.

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The roots of the constructivist approach can be seen in Alexander Wendt’s Anarchy is What

the State Makes it. Wendt (1992, pg. 395) critiques the common perception that the

international system is characterised by a Hobbesian anarchy, which had been one of the primary assumptions of the realist approach. Rather than the system being anarchic, Wendt (1992, pg. 398) asserts that power politics are socially- constructed and that states act based on the assumptions of international anarchy since that is the meaning that they ascribe to it rather than the system being anarchic. In line with the theories of Foucault, this approach explored the relationship between the social construction of knowledge and social reality, since state behaviour is determined by these (Ruggie, 1992, pg. 858). In addition, this approach emphasised the role that a state’s identity played in shaping its foreign policy, an example being the assumption that democratic states will always be hostile to authoritarian nations, since they stand against democratic values (Reus Smit, 2009, pg.223). It is this assumption that can render this doctrine of utility in exploring the images of China in Africa and what they represent.

It is these claims that tie the theories of Foucault and Bourdieu to the Constructivist approach towards international relations. This can be seen in how Constructivism focuses primarily on how objects and systems are created, such as Wendt’s (1992, pg. 395) depiction of the international anarchy cited by realists, which he prescribes to states and their behaviour towards each other rather than being the inherent logic behind power politics. This was critical of the zero-sum approach behind the assumptions regarding Great Power politics, which has gained a degree of traction due to the popularity of the ‘Thucydides Trap’, which has shaped the established image of Chinese foreign policy being a result of this logic.

Alongside its connection to the theories of Foucault and Bourdieu, the constructivist approach is of utility for several reasons. Firstly, this approach focuses on the role of identity and meaning in international relations, with both being of note in shaping the image of China in Africa. This illustrates the necessity of exploring how the meaning of China’s African policies have been created by the images of these policies since states are likely to act towards Chinese foreign policy based on the meanings that they give to these policies. It is these meanings that renders the research problem of importance and the utility of the constructivist approach in exploring it.

The constructivist approach is also useful due to it being one of the most significant developments in the Chinese approach to international relations. This can be seen in how Chinese adherents to this doctrine have created the image of ‘China’s peaceful rise’, which has served as part of the challenge to the established image of the China Threat (Qin, 2011, pg.

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234). It is this image that is reflective of the research problem regarding the images of Chinese foreign policy as well as being a part of the Chinese theory of international relations, which underlines the utility of the constructivist approach towards the research problem.

The case of Chinese constructivism is also of utility in exploring the nature of the challenge that China poses via the images of China’s African policy. This again can be seen in the image of China’s peaceful rise, which illustrates the Chinese perceptions of China’s role and identity and the relationship between the constructivist doctrine and Chinese foreign policy (Qin, 2011, pg. 234). While this has been largely superseded by the China Dream in the Xi era, the dynamics of these images have been similar in that both are a creation of Chinese norms and seek to challenge the established image of China. This serves as a codification of the normative power relations between China and the United States in their battle for China’s image.

The constructivist approach can be used to explore the logic and meanings behind the images of China’s African policies. In the case of Wendt (1992, pg. 397), this can be used to examine the logic derived from the experiences that have shaped the discourses on China in Africa, such as the experiences of the European powers and the U.S. in the African continent and China’s own experiences, which serve to further the meanings they prescribe to Chinese foreign policy. This is shown in how the zero-sum approach derived from the experiences of the 20th century has shaped the constructs of Chinese foreign policy. Such a framework is

furthered by Power and Mohan’s (2010, pg. 466) depiction of international relations as an ‘American science’, which is suggestive of the context within which the established images of Chinese foreign policy were created. By following this approach, it is possible to explore how these experiences have influenced the meanings prescribed to Chinese foreign policy, which further emphasises the necessity to explore their role upon the creation of these images. In addition, this also can potentially avoid the pitfalls that have befallen other readings of Chinese foreign policy, most notably in the notion of the Thucydides Trap that has drawn upon the Great Power politics of the 20th century.

The question over the nature of power also links the theories of Bourdieu to the concept of normative power and the research issue. As with the theories of Foucault and the concept of soft power, this also focuses on the less coercive dimensions of power, as expressed through Bourdieu’s depiction of power as a means of legitimising a system as well as how it is spread to a wider context. Such a process is echoed by the attempts made by the Chinese discourse to legitimise Chinese initiatives in the African states by promoting it to a wider context (Zhao, 2010, pg. 422). This has been illustrated by China’s soft power offensive in the developing

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world as well as the promotion of the Chinese model of development as an example for developing nations to follow. In addition, it is these initiatives that strive to legitimise Chinese involvement in the African states by invoking China’s experiences of anti-colonialism and development, aspects of Chinese foreign policy that has enabled China to cement its influence in the continent (Shinn, 2009, pg. 87).

The application of the constructivist doctrine to cases of China’s international relations have also rendered this theory of utility to the case of the knowledge on China’s African policies. This is illustrated by Peter Katzenstein’s (2016, pg. 3) depiction of the West as an Anglo- American civilisation which closely fits the idea of a Western civilizational other that China defines itself against. The ideas that China can bring to this doctrine can be seen in Jeffrey Legro’s (2007, pg. 524) claim that China’s development has seen the integration of Chinese ideas and history, both of which play a role in how China prescribes meaning to its foreign policy. Such an approach also illustrates how the Chinese narrative is spread, such in Erik Ringmar’s (2012, pg. 20) depiction of the Sinocentric world order, from which China’s approach to international relations has been derived. These applications also suggest a research gap in that these concepts have not been applied to the case of China’s African policies, which the research can cover.

It is the example of the hostility that democratic states have towards authoritarian nations that initially illustrates how the constructivist approach can be of utility in exploring the images of China’s African policies. This can be seen in how the established images of these policies often emphasise the authoritarian character of the Chinese political system, which has been notable in the common image of China as a facilitator of authoritarian norms in the African states (Keenan, 2009, pg. 85). Such an image is indicative of the more normative aspects of how these perceptions are created since Chinese foreign policy appears to contradict the democratic norms behind the images of Chinese foreign policy. This is rendered of further importance since these assumptions shape the way that states react to Chinese foreign policy, which furthers the utility of this framework as well as the necessity to explore the formation of the images regarding China’s African policies.

The rise of soft power in Chinese foreign policy also furthers the utility of a more constructivist approach. As stated in the previous chapter, it is difficult to gauge the capacities and resources of soft power compared to the traditional indicators of a state’s capabilities such as its military and economic strength (Lukes, 2008, pg.83). Through the constructivist approach, soft power can be perceived as an attempt by a nation to spread its identity and the

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meaning that it ascribes to it to a wider context in a bid to change the perceptions of other states. By doing so, China’s soft power offensive in the African states is an attempt by Beijing to alter the established meanings attributed to Chinese foreign policy and to China itself (Jing et al, 2016, pg. 3), which underlines the more normative competition between China and the United States. This notion can be explored by a more constructivist approach since this can gauge China’s capacities to implement its’ attempts to alter the meanings ascribed to Chinese foreign policy. It is this development alongside the importance of soft power in Chinese foreign policy that renders this approach of utility since it can explore the capacities of soft power and the dimensions of Chinese foreign policy that had largely been overlooked in favour of the focus on its economic and military capabilities.

The question over the nature of power also links the theories of Bourdieu to the concept of normative power and the research issue. As with the theories of Foucault and the concept of soft power, this also focuses on the less coercive dimensions of power, as expressed through Bourdieu’s depiction of power as a means of legitimising a system as well as how it is spread to a wider context (Lee, 2018, pg.50). Such a process is echoed by the attempts made by the Chinese discourse to legitimise Chinese initiatives in the African states by promoting it to a wider context. This has been illustrated by China’s soft power offensive in the developing world as well as the promotion of the Chinese model of development as an example for developing nations to follow. In addition, it is these initiatives that strive to legitimise Chinese involvement in the African states by invoking China’s experiences of anti-colonialism and development, aspects of Chinese foreign policy that has enabled China to cement its influence in the continent (Alden and Hughes, 2009, pg. 569).

Regarding the meanings that states give to others, the constructivist approach is of use in exploring China’s capabilities. The neoclassical realist approach often claimed that states base their views on others on its interpretation of their capabilities (Lobell, 2009, pg. 45). Such an approach reflects the role of meanings in state behaviour, since a nation’s interpretation of another state’s capabilities is part of the meaning that they ascribe to another state. In the case of Chinese foreign policy, this can be seen in the perception of the China threat, which has been the result of the interpretation of China’s economic and military capabilities (Van Standen, 2018, pg. 3). This has often led to China being perceived as a threat in recent years, gaining it the label of a revisionist power. By exploring how this image is created, it is possible to explore how states react to Chinese foreign policy and to explore China’s other capacities, which have largely been overlooked.

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The theoretical framework and the constructivist approach to international relations are unified in their interpretation of power and their criticism of the traditional notions of power as an inherently coercive force. This can be seen in Foucault’s depiction of power as being a means of governance and exclusion by norms, which is suggestive of the non-coercive dimensions of power. It is this dimension of power that is linked to the notion of soft power, which focuses on building consent rather than achieving objectives more forcefully. The question of power illustrates one of the wider issues of the research question in that it raises the question over the nature of power in Chinese foreign policy, where soft power appears to have a greater status than the more coercive forms of power, a fact that has often been overlooked by the established focus on China as an economic or a military rival (French, 2014, pg. 262).

Foucault’s theories regarding the creation of knowledge and political power also overlaps with the constructivist approach’s focus on the role of meaning in international relations. This is illustrated in how states react to others based on the meaning that they attribute to others, which echoes Foucault’s depiction of the role that a hegemonic discourse and norms play in the acquisition of political power. As with the less coercive dimensions of power, this also overlaps with the role of soft power in Chinese foreign policy since these initiatives seek to promote the Chinese discourse to a wider audience to reshape the established meanings attributed to China by other nations (Shambaugh, 2015, pg. 100). By doing so, these policies seek to reshape the established meaning of China to one that is more in keeping with Beijing’s image of China’s role which also influences the reaction of other states to a more favourable approach. It is this aspect that connects the theories of Foucault to the constructivist approach and the research issue.

The theories of Foucault and Bourdieu are closely linked to the constructivist approach towards international relations. This is due to their shared focus on the role that norms, identity and meaning play in the interactions between states as well as how they sought to challenge the established assumptions in this field. It is due to this shared focus alongside the reasons outlined earlier that render this framework of utility to the case of the images of China’s African policies and what these images symbolise.

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