Mapas Auto-Organizativos de Kohonen

the Population, pp. 38-45.

C.B.C.S., 1961 Census : Volume VIII Australia, Part I Cross­ classifications of the Characteristics of the Population, p p . 42-49.

C.B.C.S., 1966 Census : Volume 1 Population : Single characteristics, Part 7 Religion, p. 10.

C.B.C.S., 1971 Census : Bulletin 1 Summary of Population, Part 9 Australia, p . 3.

A.B.S., 1976 Census : Population and Dwellings : Summary Tables (2417.0), p. 3.

fell from close to 90 per cent between 1947 and 1966 to 79 per cent in 1976. Non-Christians rose steadily in number and as a proportion of the population, but even in 1976 they comprised only one per cent of the total. Among the Christian denominations, Church of England or Anglican remained the dominant throughout the post-war period, reflecting the origins of a significant part of the population in 1947 and of a substantial proportion of settlers after that date. However, these adherents fell from 39 per cent of the population in 1947 to 28 per cent in 1976, as the effects of the religious denominations of other post-war immigrants began to be felt. In 1947 all Catholics,

whether calling themselves Roman or otherwise, comprised approximately half the share of Anglicans, largely due to the presence of persons of Irish descent although these were by no means exclusively Catholic. As settlers arrived from countries which are mostly Catholic, like Italy and Malta, as well as from other parts of Europe, the total number of Catholics rose almost to the Anglican level by 1976.

The next most sizeable Christian denominations were far smaller. Methodists and Presbyterians - both denominations largely of British stock - showed

numerical peaks in 1966, but declined as proportions of Australia's population throughout the post-war period. Other Christian denominations were smaller still, but each provided some diversity. In particular, the growing Lutheran and especially Orthodox religions reflected the increasing variation in

birthplaces of post-war settlers.

Data on non-Christian adherents show that persons identifying as Hebrews • were the largest non-Christian denomination in Australia between 1947 and 1976. However, in 1976 all other non-Christian denominations together were more

numerous for the first time, reflecting the new sources of settlers during the early 1970s, although, even at that time they comprised only 0.5 per cent of Australia's population.

From at least 1954, when data on birthplace by religion first became available, Anglicans born in Australia comprised the major religious category, although they were a declining proportion of the total over time. The next largest category, Australian-born Catholics, however, assumed an increasing share of the population to 1971 as more children of former migrants were born in Australia. The absolute fall between 1971 and 1976 was probably due to the continuing upturns in Australian-born persons not specifying a religion. Overseas-born Catholics also assumed increasing proportions of Australia's population to 1971. Compared with overseas-born Anglicans, they came from a

greater range of countries. Italy was the dominant origin as early as 1954 25

and remained so in 1976, while the other sources were ranked differently at individual censuses, depending on their major periods of immigration. Unlike other Christian denominations, Orthodox Christians born overseas were more numerous than those born in Australia. This indicates the recency of

settlement of persons of this denomination from such countries as Greece - very largely - but also Yugoslavia, Egypt and the U.S.S.R.

Persons born overseas were also more numerous among non-Christians, yet eachof those born in Australia and overseas assumed greater shares of the total population at successive censuses. The birthplaces of the Jews and Muslims reflected their world-wide dispersal, as they came, respectively, from such countries as Poland, England, Germany, Hungary, Israel and the U.S.S.R.; and from Turkey, Lebanon/Syria, Yugoslavia, Cyprus, Malaysia and Indonesia. Other overseas-born non-Christians were largely born in non-European countries like India and Malaysia although others again came from England, as that country was experiencing its own .ethnic diversification.

Turning now to the identification of diversity amongst persons born in specific countries, Anglicans were most numerous amongst those born in England, Presbyterians amongst the Scottish-born and Catholics amongst those born in Germany and the Netherlands. There were, however, many other denominations - some with significant numbers of followers - recorded in Australia for persons from each of these birthplaces. Settlers from Poland in the early post-war years were mostly Catholic, but the minority who were Jews were more numerous than those from any other country including Israel. As well as the substantial majority of Muslims from Turkey, the 1971 and 1976 Censuses recorded a minority of Orthodox Christians, possibly due to forced population exchanges

26

between Turkey and Greece in the 1920s. Cypriots who were Muslim were, however, a minority compared with Orthodox Christians, indicating that those of Greek origin have come to Australia in larger numbers than Turkish ones. Although settlers from the Baltic States are often regarded as a single

category, the majority of Latvians and Estonians arriving in the early post-war period were Lutherans, while the Lithuanians were mostly Catholic. Lebanese settlers in Australia have also had a range of religions including Catholic, Muslim and Orthodox, while Catholics and Orthodox Christians - the latter being

25. Including England, Yugoslavia, Malta, Poland, all Ireland, the Netherlands, Germany, Scotland, India, Lebanon/Syria, Hungary, New

Zealand and Spain.

26. D.I.E.A. (1976b), Turkey. Ethnic Background Paper, mimeo, Canberra, p. 2.

generally of Greek origin - have been the most numerous from Egypt, with 27

'other' Christians, as defined by the census, such as Copts.

For persons from some countries there was one dominant religion and 28 relatively few adherents to other faiths. Greeks were almost all Orthodox,

29

an ethnically determined religion, while Italians, Maltese and Spaniards 30

were overwhelmingly Catholic. For persons from such countries, what 31 determines the specific origin is often the local region of the country. Unfortunately, no Australian census data are available on subdivisions within overseas countries of birth. The exception is for Ireland, which is often divided into Northern Ireland and Eire. However, as many respondents record their country of birth simply as 'Ireland', the distinctions tend to be a

little unclear. When combined, these Irish birthplace categories show Catholics to be most numerous, followed by Anglicans and Presbyterians. The larger

number of Catholics are in fact from Eire, while the other two denominations 32

are drawn from both parts.

Another major immigrant source country for which both region of origin and religion are important indicators of ethnic variation is Yugoslavia, although language data are also necessary for complete identification. This country consists of a federation of six republics: Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia and Montenegro, of which Serbia and Croatia are the most populous. Regional identity for those born in Yugoslavia is, however, clouded by the fact that there are considerable numbers outside the

33

region in which their ethnic category originated. Data on religion can, nevertheless, shed some light on the origins of Yugoslav-born persons in

Australia, as various branches of the Orthodox Church are based on the Serbian and Macedonian communities. The Church of Serbia includes many of those from

27. Other Christian denominations not specified individually in sources to Figure 5.3.

28. D.I.E.A. (1979b), Greece. Ethnic Background Paper, mimeo, Canberra, p. 10.

29. Bottomley, Gillian (1979), After the Odyssey. A Study of Greek Australians, University of Queensland Press, St Lucia, Queensland, p. 55.

30. D.I.E.A. (1979c), Italy. Ethnic Background Paper, mimeo, Canberra, p. 9. 31. Price, Charles A. (1963), Southern Europeans in Australia, Oxford

University Press, Melbourne, p. 73.

32. Price and Pyne (1980), loc. cit., p. A64.

33. D.I.E.A. (1980c), Yugoslavia. Ethnic Background Paper, mimeo, Canberra, p. 2 and p. 26.

Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Montenegro and the Church of Macedonia is based on those in Macedonia. On the other hand, the Catholic Church is the majority church in Croatia and Slovenia, but it also has the support of significant

34

minorities in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia. Because Catholics born in Yugoslavia outnumbered Orthodox Christians in Australia throughout the

post-war period, it seems .most likely that the largest part of the Yugoslav- born population in Australia consisted of Croats and/or Slovenes, but more particularly Croats, although Serbs and Macedonians also comprised significant shares. The ethnic origins of Yugoslavs are discussed further using data

35

on language from the 1976 Census, although it has been noted that processing errors restrict the usefulness of information available on languages spoken in Yugoslavia and hence ethnic origin.

5.4.6 Language Usage

Although there have been questions in post-war censuses on different aspects of language usage only from 1976 (Chapter 3), it is possible to

investigate Australia's linguistic diversity at earlier censuses. Estimates of the number who did not speak English may be made from data on

persons not born in major English-speaking countries, here taken to be

Australia, the U.K. and Eire, New Zealand, the U.S.A., Canada and South Africa These measures are necessarily very approximate as persons from other

countries, particularly Commonwealth ones, often speak English on arrival or learn it soon afterwards. Furthermore, not all those born in Australia or the other major English-speaking countries speak English. Young children may speak only another language as their mother tongue, while older persons may have social and other contacts' exclusively with those who speak no English Some Aboriginals may use English and others not.

Leaving aside these limitations, it would appear that there was little 3 6

linguistic diversity in Australia at the 1947 Census, as only two per cent of the total population were born outside the above major English-speaking countries. Diversification then took place rapidly over the next two

intercensal periods. With the increase in immigration from non-traditional sources at this time, those from outside the main English-speaking countries

34. Lewins, Frank W. (1978), The Myth of the Universal Church. Catholic Migrants in Australia, Faculty of Arts, The A.N.U., Canberra, p. 119 35. Clyne, Michael (1979), 'Community Languages in Australia - What the

1976 Census will (and will not) tell us', Paper presented to the Annual General Meeting of the Society for Linguistics and Education, Melbourne, p. 4.

36. Full-blood Aboriginals have not been included in these calculations until the 1966 Census.

increased to 6 per cent of the population in 1954 and 9 per cent in 1961. From that time continuing high intakes from the U.K. and Eire and other major English-speaking sources, especially New Zealand in the late 1970s, offset rising intakes from other countries. Non-English speakers therefore rose only to 10 per cent of the population in 1966 and remained at 11 per cent from 1971 to 1981.

In relation to the question on language usage on the 1976 Census, it will be recalled that in Chapter 3 this was described as relating primarily to the provision of data on English-training and non-English information needs.

Some limited use of the data may also be made in specifying the ethnic origins of that part of the population for whom language is an important component of ethnic identify. However, the question on language was not asked of the 9

per cent of persons aged under five years - a substantial part of the population. This is unfortunate as information on mother tongue (actual or potential)

which this question would almost certainly have elicited for young children, 37

is seen as amongst the most sensitive indicators of ethnic origin. The way in which responses to the language question were coded by the A.B.S. adds

3 8

further complications. Codes on the use of English and up to three other languages means that many tables were produced only for the number of users of particular languages, rather than for the number of persons aged over five

39