British colonies began to gain independence in the 1950s, with Ghana paving the way when it achieved independence in 1957. Senior positions in government and the civil service, once occupied by white colonial officers, were taken over by educated Africans, mostly men, from elite groups of Africans (Obbo, 1980: 23). Women were disadvantaged after
independence. Even though they had contributed to the liberation of their countries, only a small percentage of them were educated and were not invited to occupy government positions. Women’s geographical mobility continued to be controlled as a result of the dominant perceptions which suggested that “migration [was] bad for women because it corrupts their virtue, leads to marital instability and erodes traditional norms. This leads to the weakening of the family structure, an increase in juvenile delinquency and violent crimes” (Obbo, 1980: 27-8). Women were expected to maintain their traditional roles to ensure stability within the family but the conditions in which they lived were forcing them to engage in survival strategies to maintain their family. Migration became one of many survival
strategies that women engaged in but it was generally perceived as a male activity as a result of the policies introduced during colonialism. The following section focuses on the changing perceptions of women’s economic role in the household as well and outlines the social and
cultural perceptions of women promoted through education. Particular attention will be paid to women resident in urban areas but differences in the perceptions of women in rural areas will also be highlighted.
a. Division of Labour in the Household and Education
Both the social and cultural perceptions of women in urban areas differed from the traditional view held in the rural areas. The perception of women as contributors to the household economy was slowly emerging especially amongst those women who were
educated in urban areas (Little, 1973). This was evident in the responses of the women in my study that reflected their upbringing in the 1960s and 1970s. Household relations still
promoted the idea of men as main breadwinners and heads of households which signified the strong economic role they played in the home and public sphere.
By the 1990s, the idea of girls going into education, especially in the urban areas, became more acceptable. Okeke-Ihejirika (2004) argued that in Nigeria, the oil boom helped to increase the level of access and enrolment of girls at tertiary level of education between 1992 and 1996 as there was increased public funding making it easier for parents to educate all children (2004: 62). The early independence years projected some of the western
perceptions of women’s position and role transmitted during colonialism along with pre- colonial African perceptions. Although men were perceived as heads of household, women were able to develop their skills through education and compete with men, leading to the establishment of more dual-income households. In some African societies, negative
perceptions of women continued to be indirectly and directly transmitted through education. Gordon (1998) argued that the westernised models of education contained patriarchal
ideologies which helped to justify some of the traditional beliefs that children learned within their local communities. This pattern continued to persist in post-colonial Zimbabwe for
example where girls and boys were encouraged to participate in subjects which were gender related e.g. girls were taught home economics and boys metal working (1998: 53-4).
Therefore, there was a continued pattern in which women were socialised into subordinate roles or female associated professions such as nursing or teaching. Such socialisation prevented women from taking up decision-making positions. Although contemporary SSA societies’ sociocultural perceptions of women as home makers and mothers are less prevalent than during the colonial era, they still exist especially in the rural areas. The women in my study revealed how their behaviour was influenced by sociocultural perceptions held about women within their ethnic group but explained they were not
controlled by it. In the next section, I aim provide a background of the women’s upbringing, how sociocultural perceptions of women in their society shaped their behaviour and how it may have impacted in their own decision to migrate, as an individual or as part of a family unit.
3.3 Sociocultural Expectations of Women in Kenyan and Nigerian Household and Society
Within my study, the women revealed the important role that social agents (family, church and peers) and institutions (family, schools, employers and the church or mosque) of socialisation play in developing the perceptions of them as women in their society. However, the perceptions of women depended on the time period in which they were raised. For
example, nine women interviewed were raised in the early years after independence (1960- 1980) while 21 women were raised from the 1980s onwards. The perceptions of their position and role between these periods have varied.
Gender identity roles of children are learnt through observing role models such as parents who provide an example of how a girl or boy is expected to behave. This behaviour is
normally monitored and affirmed by parents who punish children who do not conform or reward those who uphold the norm. This idea is captured in social learning theory by Bandura (1969) who was concerned with imitation and observation of parents by their children where learning about accepted forms of gendered behaviours was a practical activity. The household is one environment in which social learning takes place and the majority of the women
interviewed as individuals and in the focus groups, mentioned the household as the primary socialising institution, with the exception of two women (Odera and Olivia) who learnt more from their peers and interactions with members of their community. Parents played a very influential role in teaching their children about expected gender roles, but the distinction between gender and sex roles should be noted. According to Akintunde (2005: 347), sex roles are those based on biological differences between men and women, whereas gender roles refer to behaviour defined by society as masculine and feminine. Such masculine and
feminine behaviours are transmitted in two ways: through socialising agents (e.g. parents and teachers) as well as socialising forces (e.g. education).
Socialising forces are commonly linked to the public domain with institutions such as schools, church and the workplace playing an influential role. The public domain in most SSA societies has been promoted as a male dominated space (Akintunde, 2005: 348). The home or private domain, on the other hand, is a space reserved for women and the women in my study stated that they learnt these different perceptions about women’s role in the private domain from their parents.