Marco Poblacional

According to the findings, the majority of families in Tuvalu feel that migration of family members has positively contributed to the welfare of those remaining in Tuvalu. Table 7.1 in Chapter 7 provides a summary of the benefits and costs of migration under the PAC scheme. Families in Tuvalu reported that the most important use of the remittances and goods received by them from migrants is the fulfilment of familial and communal commitments to their extended families, island communities and church. The majority of the families interviewed agreed that communal commitments, such as contributions (financial or otherwise) to community associations, are considered highly important as “an obligation and our way of life” (FAMTUV15, personal communication, May 2008), as described by one participant.

Furthermore, data from this study revealed that remittances from family members in New Zealand tended not to flow continuously or on a frequent basis, but were more likely to occur in response to requests or on an occasional basis, such as for family fakalavelave, such as weddings and funerals. A brother of a PAC migrant who is working in government remarked:

Given that our father lives in New Zealand with my two brothers and our mother had passed away, my brothers have no pressing reason to send money to Tuvalu on a frequent basis. But for family fakalavelave, I was often surprised to receive phone calls from them advising of the money that they had already sent through Western Union (FAMTUV09, personal communication, April 2008).

Moreover, the participant added that “news in Tuvalu these days are travelling very fast, especially through the internet, informing families in New Zealand of family fakalavelave in Tuvalu. Because they are aware of what is happening in Tuvalu, I think

80 they feel obliged to help thus sending money to assist with our fakalavelave in Tuvalu” (FAMTUV09, personal communication, April 2008).

Despite any infrequency of remittance flow, the families in Tuvalu highly appreciated the cash they received from families in New Zealand. The interviews also revealed use of remittances was not directed toward consumption purposes, but to fulfil the family’s commitments to their island community, church and extended family fakalavelave. One participant reflected on the importance of taking part in community and family activities and contributions, saying:

A palagi invests his or her monies in the bank while we, Tuvaluans, invest our monies in our family and community. In times of our fakalavelave, our family and community will support you financially and emotionally (FAMTUV12, personal communication, April 2008).

Not only do migrants continue to provide financial assistance to families in Tuvalu when needed, but they also send goods from New Zealand to families in Tuvalu. One significant mode of sending goods to families in Tuvalu is through visiting groups or kaumalaga from New Zealand. These groups normally bring with them one or two containers by sea, filled with a variety of goods and food stuffs for their families and the island community.

In addition to the benefits that families in Tuvalu received from migration of family members to New Zealand, the costs involved when family members migrate were recognised by participants (refer to Table 7.1). A sister of a PAC migrant remarked:

What I missed most when my younger brother went to New Zealand is the loss of the additional financial support in the family. When he was here, he used to give me his contribution for the family expenses every payday. Ever since he left, we have not received any money from him. I think it is because he is currently working part-time and is still looking for a permanent job (FAMTUV01, personal correspondence, April 2008).

81 The sister also raised her concern about the social costs of the separation in their family resulting from PAC migration. She said “with an older sister in Australia, one brother in New Zealand, one brother in Kiribati and now another brother already migrated to New Zealand through the PAC scheme, I could feel a sense of incompleteness in our family, especially during special occasions such as our mother’s birthday” (FAMTUV01, personal correspondence, April 2008).

The overall findings from the interviews with families in Tuvalu, as illustrated in Table 7.1 in Chapter 7, highlighted that the effects of migration could be seen as a “double- edged sword” whereby migration simultaneously delivered benefits that enhanced the welfare of the families and imposed certain risks on community development. Furthermore, the findings revealed that the benefits of migration were not limited to the financial value of remittances only, but extended beyond its monetary value. It was seen that despite the infrequency of remittances received by families, their significance stretched far beyond their dollar value. This is because according to participants, the main use of remittances was to fulfil the family’s commitments to fakalavelave of the extended family, and to finance family contributions to the island community and the church. One participant beautifully summed up the importance of fulfilling familial and communal commitments in Tuvalu’s society as a form of investment by saying that “investing monies in family fakalavelave will be beneficial for future fakalavelave of your own through which extended families return the favour in terms of providing local food items and financial and emotional support” (FAMTUV12, personal communication, April 2008).

The following section will identify whether personal concerns and anxiety about sea level rise influences decisions of Tuvaluans to migrate to Zealand through the PAC scheme.