Matriz de competencias en participación

The research design moves beyond broad questions of interest, previous research, and descriptions of theory to detailing the specific assumptions, choices, rationale, and how this study was conducted. First, I describe qualitative research methodology, the rationale for why it was employed in this study, and the approach. Then this chapter proceeds with an in-depth discussion of data collection methods to include a detailed account of data collection techniques. Next, field relations and data management are presented. Lastly, the process of data analysis and interpretation is offered.

Qualitative Inquiry

Qualitative inquiry is an umbrella term that describes multiple approaches to

understanding human relationships and social action. This approach to social science stems from a critique of efforts in social science to employ “scientific methods” used in the natural sciences to establish claims about humanity. Causal relationship s, general laws, and facts are not the foci of qualitative inquirers (Alvesson & Skoldberg, 2000). Instead, their concerns center on

understanding social reality in its natural form—everyday life. Qualitative inquiry was best suited to explore this study’s research questions in the context of theoretical and epistemological assumptions. Qualitative research methodology best captured this study’s concern with voice, taken-for-granted meanings, and issues of power in the lives and experiences of caregivers and educators of young children.

Capturing Participants’ Voices

Qualitative accounts in social science research give voice to those that are traditionally marginalized (Dixson & Rousseau, 2005; Lynn, 2004; Parker & Lynn, 2002; Stovall, 2005). The voices of parents, particularly African American parents, and early childhood educators are

necessary to better understand preparing children for kindergarten. Although African American parents and educators have been included in recent studies of child development and school readiness, the focus has not been on highlighting their ideas and knowledge. Qualitative inquiry offered space for participants to describe their perceptions, experiences, and everyday activities using their own words. African American parents’ and educators’ voices were centered in this study.

Examining Taken-for-Granted Meaning

Qualitative methodology is concerned with exploring the meanings of mundane experiences in the social world. In-depth interviews and observations illuminated taken-for- granted meanings in people’s everyday lives. Furthermore, qualitative methodology lent itself to uncovering taken-for-granted meanings. Despite the lack of consensus of what school readiness means, it is taken- for-granted that all parents and educators consciously make sense of starting kindergarten in the same way. The assumption is that “good parents” and “quality” preschool programs prepare children for the demands of kindergarten prior to the first day of school. Generally speaking, the literature suggests that reading to children, teaching children the

alphabet, numbers, and shapes, and encouraging children to learn through play are activities that promote school readiness. Do African American parents of diverse incomes view school

preparation in the same way?

Identifying Micro-Level Processes

Quantitative data alone do not fully capture the microlevel, taken- for-granted experiences of African American families and the processes taking place with the contexts that influence child development and school readiness. Additionally, qualitative methodology offers a

observe and interpret “naturally occurring” phenomena and the meaning individuals taking part in these phenomena attach to them. Qualitative research is very much concerned with everyday life (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000).

Several quantitative studies reviewed in the previous chapter focused on assessing

maternal education, single- head of household status, poverty status, and various characteristics of the home environment, omitting examinations of other maternal behaviors that facilitate child development. Using qualitative methodologies allows a range of developmental and parental competencies to be identified. This study seeks to contribute a more diverse, comprehensive, and textured view of perceptions and practices that can shape children’s developmental trajectories and preparation for kindergarten. Qualitative inquiry addresses a need for micro- level discussions of parenting practices in the school readiness literature.

A Case Study: Both Process and Product

Qualitative case study research was the chosen approach to this qualitative inquiry. This case study primarily drew from Robert Stake’s (1995) The Art of Case Study Research and was supplemented by Creswell’s (2007) Qualitative Inquiry and Designs: Choosing among Five

Approaches. Qualitative Case study research begins and ends with an issue (Stake, 1995). In the

previous chapter, school readiness was discussed as a social problem. It was the issue driving the study from start to end. Using a case study design highlighted the local ways in which the particular community experienced and viewed starting kindergarten (Graue, 1992). It also offered a unique opportunity to situate school entrance “in context” of individuals within the community, a process that Adler and Adler (1987) argue is “the best way to gain understanding of the social world” (p. 11). In addition to the fact that a case study design was aligned with

epistemological and methodological assumptions, it also fit with this study’s general purpose and research questions.

The qualitative case study works well when studying a specific issue within a bounded context. In this instrumental case study the “issue” of school readiness was explored in one community school district to “get insight into the question by studying a particular case” (Stake, 1995). Of primary concern in case study methodology is “to understand this one case” (Stake, 1995, p. 4). The goal was to provide a detailed account of particulars and inductive

interpretations. Once issues are identified and case study research is deemed appropriate, Stake’s procedures for conducting case study research advance to: selecting a case; gathering data; interpreting and analyzing data; and ends with the issue. Below, I detail how this approach took shape within this study.

Case Selection and Description: Middleton Community School District

Creswell (2007) notes case selection poses a special challenge to case study researchers. To address this challenge Stake advises focusing efforts on understanding the case. A single case, Middleton Community School District, was selected. Middleton is a midsized city. The total population in Middleton was approximately 75,741 in 2007 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000a). The boundaries of the case remained flexible but focused on exploring happenings within the particular school district/community of Middleton. A local newspaper headline entitled “Held Back” suggested a racial and ethnic school readiness gap existed in this community. This community school district was selected to maximize what could be learned about preparing children for school and examining racial disparities in early learning. The access and fa miliarity, typical characteristics, and atypical characteristics of starting kindergarten within this community made it ideal for case study research.

Familiarity and Access to the Case

I became familiar with Middleton Community and School District as a student at the large public university within the city. As an intern with a local organization, I met community contacts and participated in community and school events. These contacts were influential in accessing the case, particularly preschool programs and parents. Participating in community meetings as an intern attuned me to the local policies and schools in the district.

Typifying Characteristics of the Case

Several characteristics of Middleton were similar to other midsized U.S. cities. Social and economic statistics were typical. Population, education, student achievement, employment, poverty, and health demographics resembled the national statistics. Social class, racial, and gender disparities that existed in Middleton were similar to those reported nationally.

Population. Several demographic characteristics of the community were typical of the

United States. Slightly more than 52% of the population was male and just over 47% was female between 2006-2008 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000a). The racial and ethnic composition of this city was comparable to the country’s overall percentages: 72% White, 15% African

American; 10% Asian, 4% Latino, and 2% two or more races (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000a). Household composition varied to include married couple, unmarried partners, single male, single females, and unrelated. However, the majority of the families residing in Middleton lived in married couple or single, female households were consistent with the national statistics (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000a).

Education and income. Middleton’s population was generally educated at the level of

of the population had at least a high school diploma (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000a). This must be considered in light of the public university located within the city.

The federal poverty level for a family of one parent and two children is $15, 735 and for two parents and two children $19,806. Families often require twice the poverty level to meet basic needs. Poverty was an issue for children residing in this city. Fourteen percent of the families in Middleton with children under the age of 18- years-old were poor (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000a). Approximately 23% of children under the age of 18 were living in poverty in Middleton (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000a). Individuals residing in Middleton who did not have a high school diploma comprised the majority of impoverished residents (28%). The household composition was related to families’ poverty status. Married coupled families were less likely to be poor (6.5%) compared to single female householder families (31.5%). Middleton’s median household income was approximately $38,000. Individuals who earned less than a high school degree also had lower median incomes ($22,000) compared to ($50,000) those with advanced degrees (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000a). Also, forty- five percent of female- headed households reported median incomes less than $35,000 while approximately 15% of married-coupled families’ median incomes were below $35,000 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000a).

Employment. Sixty-four percent of residents over the age of 16 are employed in the labor

force. The percentage of unemployed residents in Middleton was 6.5%. African Americans (19%) were disproportionately unemployed in this city (U.S Census Bureau, 2000a). There was a substantial working poor population in Middleton as well. Among the employed, 21% were poor; 22% of employed women were poor.

Sixty-eight percent of parents are employed outside the home in Middleton County. Mothers of young children were employed. Approximately 60% of mothers with children under

the age of six were employed in Middleton. The majority of the county relies on child care options while they work. According to a local community “report card” on indicators of community well-being, the average cost of center-based child care in this county is $7,400 per year. Fifteen percent of families’ income was spent on center-based child care for preschoolers. The local Child Care and Referral agency’s annual report indicated that this state offers a

program that subsidizes child care expenses for families who earn between a $0 and $2,050 gross monthly income.

Health. Middleton’s state provides insurance to all children. The same community

“report card” mentioned above provided statistic on the health of Middleton residents. For example, in Middleton County, the number of children enrolled in Medicaid or Kid Care had been on a steady incline from 8,900 in 2000 to approximately 13,200 in 2005. There is one federally qualified health center in Middleton. This public health center’s goal was to improve services provided to residents in need of medical care and who were underserved. However, some families in the community still had only limited access to health. According to the community “report card”, families were challenged with locating physicians willing to accept Medicaid as forms of payment due to reimbursement rates and delays associated with this program. Working families were most vulnerable in terms of providing health insurance and care for their children because some of them could not afford insurance offered by their employers and did not meet income eligibility for state Medicaid programs.

Food insecurity was also an issue discussed in the community “report card”. Residents took advantage of charitable and food assistance programs when they could locate them. One food assistance program provided food to 10,200 Middleton County residents to support families and individuals in meeting basic nutritional needs.

Student achievement. According to data obtained from Middleton School District’s

school report cards, all elementary schools met AYP in 2005-2006. Several schools within the district won awards for achievement on state tests. These awards recognized schools in which 50% of the student population was classified as low-income and 60% of the students in these schools met Annual Yearly Progress (AYP). AYP was defined in terms of student participation in assessments; school attendance (90%); 62.5% of the students in a school meeting or exceeding proficiency on state standardized tests; and schools having 66% graduation rates. The state was on academic watch in 2008, which indicated that it did not make AYP for two consecutive years. The district did not meet or exceed the standards in two subjects by a small margin (60% and 62%). In the other five subject areas 66-74% of the students met or exceeded standards.

Racial disparities. Racial differences existed among residents in terms of economic well

being in this city. There was an income gap between African Americans (12,000) and Whites (21,034). African Americans in this community had the highest percentage of individuals in poverty (40%) by race and ethnicity, while Whites had the lowest (22%). Additionally, five times as many African American married couple households (20%) were in poverty compared to their White counterparts (5%). Among single female householders, 48% of African American and 12% of White families were poor in the city (U.S Census Bureau, 2000a).

Atypical Characteristics

Middleton School District had two unique characteristics that impact school entry. The school district entered into a Consent Decree with parents in the community. The district also distinctly assigned schools through the controlled choice process. Both were local circumstances of starting kindergarten in this case.

Consent Decree. Middleton School District’s website provided information on the

history and goals of the consent decree. In 1996, a group of families in the district filed complaints with the Equal Opportunity Office of the U.S. Department of Education against Middleton School District, outlining racial disparities in achievement and disciplinary action. Complaints also were made about busing African American children to schools outside of their neighborhoods and unequal access to educational resources. According to the distric t’s website, an investigation into these complaints found “statistical disparities between majority and

minority students in the areas of gifted, upper level courses, within-school integration, discipline, and special education”. As a result of these find ings, in 2002, the two disputing parties joined a Consent Decree to remedy educational disparities in the district.

The goal of the Consent Decree was to lessen statistical differences in achievement within the district that existed, specifically between White and African American students. The agreement reached between the plaintiff and defendant parties required the district to implement systems that:

1. Eliminate unwarranted disparities in the enrollment of minority students in upper level courses.

2. Incorporate innovative, interactive, research-based curriculum and instructional practices that take into account students’ diverse learning styles.

3. Deliver a professional development plan that provides on-going training and accountability for teachers and administrators in such practices.

The Consent Decree mandated Quarterly Monitoring Reports to assess progress in meeting the goals outlined above.

The district implemented a PIC plan to manage resources to meet the goals of the

Consent Decree and has since made considerable progress. The percentage of African American elementary school children enrolled in gifted programs increased; the percentage of African American children meeting and exceeding standard test score benchmarks increased; and

disciplinary disparities continue d to exist but ha ve decreased significantly in elementary schools (less for middle school and not reported for high school) in 2005-2006 school year.

The district reports its progress in achieving some of the objectives of the Consent Decree such as developing an implementation plan to reverse the trend of African American student over-representation in special education and under-representation in gifted and upper level classes. In the 2006 quarterly report, both parties agreed that improvements in student

achievement were noted at the elementary and middle schools for African American students and for all students; the District has reorganized the curriculum department, including development of written and aligned curric ulum for all grades, development of a district-wide grading policy and implementation of common assessment for all grades.

The district is currently in its last year of the Consent Decree. Lessening disparities in high school will be the focus. The Court Monitor continues to push for equity in the areas aforementioned and successful accomplishment of the agreed upon objectives of the consent decree.

Controlled choice. In response to the Consent Decree the district implemented

Controlled Choice to systematically assign schools in accordance with racial fairness guidelines set by the state. Prior to entering public school in this district, families choose three elementary schools in the district that they want their children to attend on their kindergarten applications. Applications are the n processed and assignments are randomly generated using a computer program that takes the following into account: parent’s choice; school capacity; racial fairness guidelines; presence of siblings in a school; and family’s proximity to a school. Results are mailed to families’ home addresses once the process is complete. Families who do not receive

their first choice are placed on a waiting list and can request transfer the following academic school year.

In 2002, 98% of families who enrolled their children in kindergarten early received their first, second, or third school of choice. According to a recent monitoring report, in 95% of the cases families are assigned their first choice school. White families registered children for kindergarten early at higher percentages (96%) than African American families (56%).

Additionally, African American families’ early kindergarten enrollment declined in 2003. Five schools were under-chosen by parents in the district in 2003 and one school was most often selected as the first school choice. It is noteworthy that the under-chosen schools are in predominately poor, African American neighborhoods, while the over-chosen school is in a predominately affluent, White neighborhood. The over-chosen school also scored higher on standardized tests. Controlled choice has been more quickly implemented in elementary schools. It was implemented in middle school in SY 2005-2006. It has yet to be implemented at the high school level.

Selecting Data Sources and Sampling

Deciding who and what to sample was a challenge because the bounded case was a mid- sized city. The central issue of the case was placed at the forefront of gathering data (Stake, 1995). This narrowed the selection of data sources to those providing specific information relevant to school readiness and early childhood education. The research questions further constricted sources of data sought in this study. The aim was to highlight adults’ perceptions and activities as children transitioned from home into school. Therefore, I sought information from adults in one community school district who were primary caregivers or educators of young

children. Because of the need to understand the experiences of African Americans in this case, race was a key factor in selecting data sources.

Purposive sampling was used to identify participants who would willingly provide rich, detailed information on their perceptions of kindergarten entry. Purposive sampling allowed for an examination of this particular case that “illuminate[s] the questions under study” (Patton,