The stress of higher status hypothesis predicts that higher-
status occupations and work conditions increase exposure to work-to-home conflict. The theoretical rationale for this prediction is derived partly from Coser‟s (1974, p. 21)
depiction of work as a “greedy institution” that demands effort and energy from its workers, especially those in higher-status positions (Hodson 2004). Despite prior observations that professional or managerial workers are more likely to feel “overworked” (Clarkberg and Moen 2001; Jacobs and Gerson 2004) or as if they are in a “time squeeze” (Hochschild 1997), little is known about levels of work-to-home conflict (WFI) across a full range of occupations (Bellavia and Frone 2005).
Furthermore although some authors have documented higher levels of work-to- home conflict among professional or
managerial workers (Grzywacz, et al., 2002; Kinnunen and Mauno 1998; Moen and Yu 2000), many studies of the predictors of work-to-home conflict exclude occupational status, compare broad categories of high- and low-status groups, or focus exclusively on professionals or the well-
Grzywacz and Marks 2000; Gutek, Searler, and Klepa 1991; Kopelman et al. 1983; Voydanoff 2004a, 2004b). The focus of this research then will be to study the incidence of WFI among women across three key occupational spectra in Ghana,
namely Education, Finance and Health since very little is known about WFI across occupations (Bellavia and Frone 2005), and more especially among women in higher status occupations in Africa in general and Ghana in particular.
While the psychosocial and material conditions associated with professional occupations are generally beneficial (Hodson
2004) the stress of higher status hypothesis also identifies their potential costs. Specifically, workers in professional jobs are known to have more job demands and work longer hours (Clarkberg and Moen 2001; Maume and Bellas 2001; Moen and Yu 2000). In turn, demands and hours are associated positively with work-to-home conflict (Grzywacz and Marks 2000; Gutek et al. 1991; Major, Klein, and Ehrhart 2002; Parasuraman et al. 1996; Voydanoff 2004b). Professionals also are more likely to experience other forms of high workplace status, especially high levels of authority,
autonomy, nonroutine work, and better pay (Reskin and Ross, 1992). Higher-status jobs often entail greater responsibility for vital operations that may shape the course and success of
the organization (Kohn and Slomczynski 1990). Thus, workers in higher-status occupations with more responsibilities and demands may feel greater devotion to their jobs as a source of identity (Bielby, 1992) and higher levels of involvement
(Duxbury and Higgins 1991) than workers in lower-status jobs.
The stress of higher status hypothesis draws upon these ideas and upon evidence that job demands and work hours are associated positively with job authority; job autonomy, and nonroutine work (Reskin and Ross 1992; Voydanoff 1988, 2004a, 2004b). Moreover, higher-status work conditions are often interrelated. For example, job autonomy and authority are often correlated positively with nonroutine work, and all three are related to higher levels of pay (Reskin and Ross 1992; Ross and Reskin, 1992; Schieman 2002; Voydanoff 2004a). Taken together, individuals in higher-status occupations are more likely to experience demanding,
nonroutine, and autonomous work, but those conditions may obligate workers to commit to more hours, which may induce work-family interference among such workers. And despite the centrality of nonroutine work as an indicator of status and resources, its relationship with work-to-home conflict is often overlooked (Bellavia and Frone, 2005). Consequently in
Ghana where a higher percentage of women working in higher status conditions also have family roles to play, the study of any WFI among them cannot be more urgent.
Furthermore higher-status workers are expected to create a more exclusive relationship with their work at the expense of other roles, and these expectations and obligations are
manifest i.e. more demanding and involved work with longer hours (Hochschild 1997). Consequently one wonders the time the typical Ghanaian female in high status occupations, will have for family interaction, after a strenuous day at work, and battling through the excruciating traffic jams in these two metropolises (i.e. Accra and Kumasi) to get home. Herein lies another important reason why this study is necessary at this time.
On the other hand, job authority, autonomy, nonroutine work, and income may be viewed as resources that allow greater flexibility in the spatial and temporal parameters of work and help workers manage work-related stressors (Bakker and Geurts 2004). Studies have documented that these work conditions are associated positively with psychosocial resources such as self-esteem, sense of control, and
alternative to the stress of higher status view is the resources of higher status hypothesis which predicts that; higher status conditions – especially nonroutine jobs with more authority, autonomy and higher pay- provide workers with resources that help workers avoid exposure to work-family-conflict (Bakker and Geurts, 2004).
Nonetheless, many studies in the occupational health literature identify the deleterious effects of some job conditions, such as job demands and long hours at work as central links between work and health (Bakker and Geurts 2004). Even though a tradition of sociological enquiry into the effects of work also yields the broad consensus that higher-status work conditions – professional, nonroutine, autonomous jobs with greater authority and pay – have positive effect on well-being (Tausig 1999), it would be prudent, in agreement with Schieman, Whitestone and Van Gundy (2006), to investigate the possibility that people in higher status work conditions are exposed to a higher level of a particular chronic stressor: work-to-home conflict.
Moreover it can be argued that an individual‟s activities within the work environment, as well as the stresses he or she may undergo can permeate into the home environment, with
negative consequences; or if there are adequate resources to deal with such stresses such as good spousal support, some level of positive spillover could emerge. Indeed one theory that clearly elucidates this is the Boundary/border theory.