2.6. Generalidades de Plodiplosis longifila Gagné
2.6.7 Medidas de manejo y control
82
The relative isolation of these regions has contributed to the maintenance of language differences. The standard Dutch language of today, 'General Refined Dutch' (Algemeen Beschaafd Nederlands or
ABN) was brought into being around 1610 and was the language of educated speakers from Holland and the other Western provinces (Newton,1978). Attempts by Dutch school teachers to purge their pupils of inferior dialects were largely unsuccessful and led to the development of the regional languages(streektalen) of modern Dutch (Newton,1978).
In particular, residents of the northern provinces of Groningen and Friesland speak a distinctive language which is incomprehensible to those from central and southern provinces. The Frisian language exists in the north-east mainland and the offshore islands. Its speakers have been estimated to number over a quarter of a million and the language has recently received official status as the second language of the Netherlands (Newton,1978). Stadsfries, or 'Town Frisian', is a mixture of Dutch and Frisian and is particularly spoken in tKe region around Groningen (Newton,1978). Children from Groningen and Friesland must therefore learn the Dutch language (ABN) at school and are typically bi-lingual as a result.
Dutch society is further characterized by marked religious and class cleavages. The nation is deeply divided by religious differences which have a long history (Lijphart,1968; Bagley,l973) and have led to the development of a pluralist social structure (Newton,1978). The social structure of the Netherlands consists ofverzuilengen or 'pillars' which are social blocs based on differing world-views, namely Catholic, Protestant and secular (Bryant,1981; Bagley,1973; Newton,l978; Huggett,l971; Lijphart,1968 4). The Protestant bloc is further divided into
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4.
While Lijphart (1968) agrees on the threefold division of social 'blocs' he argues that
they comprise the Roman Catholic, orthodox Calvinist and secular 'blocs' based not only
on formal affiliations but also on the degree of religious commitment. Thus, for Lijphart,
the orthodox Calvinist 'bloc' includes all members of the Re-reformed Church and
'regular' members of the Dutch Reformed Church while the secular 'bloc' includes
'irregular' members of both the Catholic and Dutch Reformed Churches
aswell as those
with no religious affiliation.
the Dutch Reformed
(Nederlands Hervormd)
J which is the state churchJ and the Re-reformed(Gereformeerde Kerken
). Some writers (e.g.LijphartJ 1968) also divide the secular bloc into two separate blocs as a result of class cleavages. Lijphart (1968) delineates a Liberal blocJ consisting of the secular upper middle and middle classesJ and a Socialist bloc consisting of the secular lower middle and lower classes.Both the Dutch Reformed and the Re-Reformed Churches have Calvinist originsJ but the Re-Reformed Church adheres much more
strongly to its Calvinist origins (BagleyJ1973). On the whole, the majority of the members of the Dutch Reformed Church believe that the Calvinist confession, with its doctrines of grace and sin, should be adapted to the reality of the present day; while most of the members of the Re-Reformed Church think that it should be interpreted literally and strictly applied in daily life (Huggett,1971). A survey by Attwood Statistics of 'Church and Religion in the Netherlands' (cited in Bagley,1973:178) provides some interesting data on the difference in outlook and values between members of different churches (see Table 3.3, below) demonstrating the conservatism of members of the Re-Reformed Church.
In 1960 the religious composition of the population was: Roman Catholics 40.4 per cent, Dutch Reformed
(Nederland Hervormd)
28.3 per cent, Re-Reformed(Gereformeerd)
9.3 per cent. Other smaller groups accounted for 3.6 per cent, and those without religious affiliation 18.4 per cent (Bagley,1973:5). The Re-Reformed Church is thus much smaller than the Dutch Reformed but its members are more involved in socio political life (Huggett,1971). The Attwood survey of 'Churches and Religion in the Netherlands' further showed that 85 per cent of Catholics attended church regularly (at least once a fortnight) compared with 39 per cent of Dutch Reformed, 88 per cent of Re-Reformed, and 60 per cent of other churches (mostly minor Protestant sects) (cited in Bagley,l973:178). Gadourek and his colleagues (1962; cited in Bagley,84
TABLE 3.3
VARIATION IN RELIGIOUS VALUES (ATTWOOD SURVEY, 1965)
_
RELIGION R.C. RE-REFORMED DUTCH REFORMED NO DEN OM.
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QUESTION PER CENT ANSWERING 'YES'
--- 1. Do you believe in the
existence of Hell, or not? 66 90 54 11
2. Do you believe in the
100 82 22
existence of Heaven, or not? 90
3. Do you believe that what happens in the world happens according to a
certain plan ... ? 37 57 89 24
4. Do you believe that there is a God who concerns him-
self with everyone
personally? 59 93 66 18
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Source: Polls, (Vol.III,No.2,Autumn 1967) cited in Bagley (1973:178).
1973:179) analyzed data from a survey which inquired about the subject's religious denomination, and occupational group, and then measured the intensity of an individual's involvement in his religious organization (or, in the case of a secularist, the appropriate sectarian or political group). They found that members of the Re-Reformed Church had the highest level of involvement in religious organizations when compared with members of other social blocs (see Table 3.4 , below).
In 1954, 'pillarization'was as strong as ever (Huggett,1971). Dutch social, cultural, political and educational life was organized on a sectarian basis. Each bloc had set up a whole array of organizations encompassing every sphere of social life. Schools and universities, newspapers, radio and television corporations, trade unions, health and welfare agencies, and sports associations were organized on a bloc, or religious basis (Bagley,1973; Lijphart,1968; Newton,1978) and represented
TABLE 3.4
INTENSITY OF AN INDIVIDUAL'S INVOLVEMENT IN RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS