6.9 MEMORIA DESCRIPTIVA INSTALACIONES ELECTRICAS 6.9.1 GENERALIDADES Y ALCANCES DEL PROYECTO

Taiwan was incorporated into the Chinese domain in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries during the ‘Ching’（清） dynasty (1644-1911).

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The result of the social survey shows that a percentage of 65 in the population are folk believers; the second largest group is Buddhism, which occupies a percentage of 11 in the population. The others are Non-believers (9 %), Taoism (7 %), Christianity (5 %), and other religions (3 %). (Chiu, 1997a, p.34)

Early settlers from China crossed the Taiwan Strait to the island. In the first stage of migration, the Taiwanese consisted of two linguistic groups, the southern Fujianese immigrants from ‘Chang-chou’ (彰州) and

‘Chuan-chou’(泉州), and the Hakka from western ‘Fujian’(福建) and

‘Guangdung’ (廣東) provinces.19 These two groups were regarded as Han agricultural settlers who emigrated to Taiwan between the end of the Ming dynasty and the coming of the Japanese in 1895; then, even more of them came in the early nineteenth century.

The ‘Hanren’(漢人) practised ‘Han’(漢) ancestor worship and other folk (or popular) religious practices (Chang, 2003, p.27): as Fang-yuan Tung pointed out, ‘Taiwanese folk beliefs are the traditional religion of the [island’s] Fujianese and Cantonese ethnic groups’ (Kate, 2003, p.163 cited in Fang-yuan Tung, 1995). Folk belief as a popular religion is diffused among the mass in Chinese society and regarded as an ‘irenic mixture of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism’ (Saso, 1970, p.83). In practice, for commoners, there are no clear boundaries between these three religious traditions. In addition, the core of the Chinese religion, which centres on both heaven and ancestor worship, is termed a ‘patriarchal traditional religion’ by Zhong-Jian Mo (1995, p.82; Jen-Chien Ting, 2004a, pp.65-66; 2004b, p.8). It includes public religion at both state level and the regional level; and it has played the most important part in Taiwanese culture from the beginning (Jen-Chien Ting, 2004a, pp. 70-84).

During the period of Japanese occupation from 1895 to 1945, the colonised government imported Shinto beliefs to Taiwan. In respect of

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In Taiwan, the Fujianese language (‘Minnanhua’[閩南話]) and Hakka language

(‘Kejiiahua’[客家話])are two major vernacular languages in addition to the official language Mandarin.

religious policy, the colonial government enforced a policy of ‘Temple Renovation’ (‘Sihmiao-Jhengli’ [寺廟整理]) in the later stage of the

occupation between1937 and 1945, which was the period of the ‘Kominka’ (皇 名化, Japanisation) Movement. At that time, Chinese religions were

preserved but oppressed, and some temples and their statues were destroyed (Mau-Kuei Chang, 2003, p.159). However, Buddhism grew rapidly in Taiwan under Japanese colonisation because the government promoted

Buddhism but oppressed Chinese folk religious practices (‘Yidao-Yangfo’[抑道 揚佛]) (Jen-Chien Ting, 2004a, p. 89; Hei-Yuan Chiu, 1997a, p.46). In 1945, China won a final victory after the eight-year long Resistance War against Japan; Taiwan was reunited with the “Ancestors’ Country” again. However, it is notable that Taiwan and China had had little contact with each other since the seceding of Taiwan to Japan in 1895, and had been on their respective paths of change in two different political fields with different moral horizons

(Mauk-Kuei Chang, 2003, pp.42-44). In 1949, the communists took over China, and the KMT government retreated to Taiwan, followed by about a million and a half immigrants. Their language was for the most part Mandarin, thus making Mandarin the official language of the island (Saso, 1970, pp.83-84). Although the government allowed people religious freedom, they upheld traditional values and Confucianism as the dominant civic virtues. The ideas of royalism (‘Jhongjiyun’[忠君]) and patriotism (‘Aiguo’[愛國]) from the patriarchal traditional religion were promoted (Jen-Chien Ting, 2004a, p.84), while the Taiwanese dialects, traditional customs and folk religious practices that were defined as ‘local, backward, superstitious’ were dismissed (Mauk-Kuei Chang, 2003, p.47). It is also significant that various reformist

and neo-traditionalist movements of Buddhism that had originally spread in China were imported into Taiwan (Jen-Chien Ting, 2004b). Buddhism took advantage of its opportunity for development, as Zhengzong Kan (2004) notes: ‘under Martial Law, Buddhism had a very good chance to develop, since the KMT at that time allowed Buddhism to exist but strictly restricted some religions’ (Jen-Chien Ting, 2004b, p.16 cited in Zhengzong Kan, 2004). However, the number of temples for traditional religions sharply increased between 1950 and 1960, so that the growth rate was much higher than during the period of Japanese occupation (Hei-Yuan Chiu, 1997a, p.42).

In 1987, Taiwanese authorities lifted Martial Law, which is regarded as the most important cause of rapid social change, including religious

development, in modern Taiwan. After the Civil Associations Act (人民團體 法) was passed in 1989,20 in addition to the eleven religions21 that had been acknowledged by the government before the lifting of Martial Law, numerous religious groups emerged, revived, and registered as civic organisations. Since then, various religions have been spreading through the country; and some New Buddhist organisations have developed on to the global level, such as Buddha Light Mountain (Foguangshan, 佛光山) and Buddhist Compassion Relief (Ciji Gongdehui, 慈濟功德會) (Clarke, 2006, pp.329-332). The contemporary boom of Buddhism in Taiwan is an example of this process, especially the rapid growth of several Buddhist organisations such as the Foguangshan, the Ciji Gongdehui, the Fagushan (法鼓山, Dharma Drum

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Please see http://law.moj.gov.tw/Eng/Fnews/FnewsContent.asp?msgid=1261&msgType=en for the content of the Act.

21

They were Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, Roman Catholic Church, other Christian Churches, Religion of the Yellow Emperor (軒轅教), Religion of the Ordering Principles (理教), Tenrikyo, Baha’i (大同教), the T’ienti Teachings (the Lord of Universe Church, 天帝教), and the Unity Sect (一貫道).

Mountain), and the Zhongtaichansi (中台禪寺, Zhongtai Zen-temple) (Jen-Chien Ting, 2004b). On the one hand, concerning the flourishing of popular Buddhist movements, Jen-Chien Ting indicates that ‘the underlying reason for Buddhist growth in modern Taiwan may just be due to Taiwan’s success in economic development, which may have brought up extensive local religious ferment. On the other hand, under Japanese influence, before 1949, Buddhism in traditional Taiwan was already quite a popular religion’ (2004b, p. 28).

Recently, social research on religious changes in Taiwan by various scholars has reached a new conclusion: that is, institutional religions are taking over traditional diffused religions and becoming more important in Taiwanese religious life (Hsin-chih Chen 2003 ; Hei-Yuan Chiu 2004; Wen-Pan Kuo 1997, 2001, 2002; Pen-Hsuan Lin 1997, 1998, 2001a; Jen-Chien Ting 2001, 2003, 2004a). In this regard, Jen-Chien Ting (2004a) was the first to construct a typology of religious changes, including the NAM, in Taiwan in terms of the analysis of social differentiation over the long haul, and he called this

phenomenon the ‘visiblisation of institutional religions’. He categorised religions into six types22 of religious institution that have emerged and

developed at different stages in Taiwan’s history. They are Family Religions (for example, ancestor worship) and Territorial cults (folk religion),

Clergy-Centred Denominations (Mahayana Buddhism in Taiwan), Independent Sects (I-Kuan Tao), Clergy-Laity Juxtaposed Denominations (modern secular

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There are parallels between Ting’s six types and Robert Bellah’s typology of religious evolution, except for the first category ‘primitive religion’, which was absent in Taiwan according to Ting’s analysis; these parallels are Archaic Religion vs. Family Religion and Territorial Cults, Historic Religion vs. Clergy-Centred Denominations and Independent Sects, Early Modern Religion vs. Clergy-Laity Juxtaposed Denomination, and Modern Religion vs. Charismatic Cults.

Buddhism), and Charismatic Cults (The Supreme Master Ching Hai

International Association) (Jen-Chien Ting, 2004a). Although folk religion, which is regarded as a part of Taiwanese culture in popular society, still plays an important role in Taiwanese culture in so far as some of its symbols and teachings are preserved in new indigenous religions, it is in decline following the rise of education levels and the modernisation of Taiwan (Hei-Yuan Chiu, 2001, p.253; 2004, p.14).

In addition to the shift towards institutional religions in contemporary Taiwan, the ‘new religions’23 also flourished and participated in the religious marketplace, in which the New Age was included after the Lifting of Martial Law. In a way, it is just as Clarke (2006, p.329) suggested, that ‘the

Nationalist government’s virtual suppression of religion after it took control for a period of over twenty years had the effect of unleashing large numbers of NRMs with liberalisation in the 1980s’ (2005). However, it should also be noted that religious changes in contemporary Taiwan are not to be equated to the case of Privatization in the west (Jen-Chien Ting, 2004a). According to Jen-Chien Ting (2004a), the flourishing of new religions in this country is properly termed ‘religious individuality’, which refers to the fact that ‘religious teachings and practices are intensely concentrated on personal salvation and reflexive inner experiences’ (p.48; pp. 401-409). It is manifested in and followed by the change of social structures when religions are detached from their territorial boundaries and community consciousness, which were the characteristics of traditional religions, and when they place more emphasis on

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In 2000, there were at least 323 officially recognized religious groups in Taiwan, which is 14.04 times more than the 23 groups in 1989 (Chiu, 2002). ‘New religions’ in Chiu’s article (2002) are defined as ’newly emerged religions in different stage of history in Taiwan that are not originated in this country, including revival of established religions’.

voluntary participation and personal choices (p.401). Religious changes in modern Taiwan are different from those in the West because the public and private spheres in Taiwanese society have actually never been separated or differentiated (pp.115-119). The emergence of institutional religions such as Buddhism and independent sects really represented a kind of personal choice, which is complementary and additional to the mainstream patriarchal religion in traditional Chinese society; therefore, there was no conflict or resistance, as happened in the case of ‘Privatization’ of religion in the West (p. 47). In other words, although on the surface the ‘religious individuality’ of Taiwan looks like the phenomenon of ‘privatized religion’, such a religiosity based on personal choices without political influence has actually been embedded in Chinese society, including Taiwan, for a long time. Buddhism and Taoism

accommodated themselves to changes in social structure (privatization), and their religious types remain intact in modern society.

Jen-Chien Ting mentioned the emergence of the ‘spiritual practices of the self’ in Taiwan while discussing the formation of ‘religious individuality’; and he noted that it is related to the NAM in the West, where practice is focused on the self and based on a holistic spirituality (Jen-Chien Ting, 2004a, p54; 2003, pp.42-49). The case of the New Age in Taiwan is different from the West, where it has been regarded as problematic in some respects and as a challenge to traditional religions. However, the emergence of the New Age in Taiwan is not regarded as a counter-culture or the opposite of traditional

religions, but as a part of ‘religious individuality’. The account of the New Age by Jen-Chien Ting is accurate to some degree, and it provides a connection between the New Age and other religions in Taiwan. However, Jen-Chien

Ting ignores the fact that the idea of salvation is absent from the NAM, which makes it different from other religions that are grouped in his category

‘religious individuality’. I will explore this point in later sections when I am examining the characteristics of the NAM.

Having undertaken a brief review of the history of religions in Taiwan, I will look at the development of the NAM in the following section.