In this section, I provide a summary of the cross-cultural analysis of the studies with lesbian mothers that were presented above in order to highlight how different cultural contexts impact understandings of lesbian motherhood. As mentioned before, it is difficult to state the extent to which the understandings of lesbian motherhood in other cultural contexts are distinctive from, or a reflection of, Western-White European conceptualisations of the family life of lesbian mothers. Notwithstanding, some particularities of different cultural contexts might be noted by comparing the main findings of the studies presented in this chapter. I divided the section into two topics: Understanding motherhood and family relationships, and Lesbian mothers navigating in private and public domains.
2.3.1. Understanding motherhood and family relationships
Overall research has revealed that lesbian mothers create different family configurations and relationships and depart to a greater or lesser extent from the traditional model of the ideal heterosexual family. Understandings of motherhood and family relationships mainly vary depending on the route to parenthood and the cultural context in which lesbian mothers live. Although most lesbian mothers have achieved motherhood within the context of a previous heterosexual
relationship (Tasker, 2013), the number of lesbian mothers who have chosen to create their own family in the context of a same-gender relationship has steadily increased over recent decades (Bos, 2013). Despite the similarity of the trend in Latin American, and in ESWE countries, most studies in Latino context have
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focused on lesbian mothers PHRD. It seems that the rise of de novo families in Latino countries has been slower than in ESWE countries. Indeed, only three Latino studies have focused on de novo families (Libson, 2012, 2013; Palma et al., 2012; Santos and Alves de Toledo, 2006). These studies were conducted in Argentina and Brazil, which is perhaps unsurprising considering the progressive legal transformations that have occurred in these countries over the last decade. In contrast, the only two studies conducted with lesbian mothers in Chile have focused mainly on PHRD lesbian mothers (Herrera, 2009; Jara & Araujo, 2011).
Lesbian mothers who wish to create their own families within the context of a pre- existing lesbian identity might choose to raise their children with a lesbian
partner. Although lesbian mothers might build their families through different routes, such donor insemination or adoption, qualitative studies focused on the family relationships of lesbian mothers have mainly centred on lesbian-led families created through donor insemination. Within these families, lesbian mothers need to negotiate their relationship and their mothering role with their children. The research studies presented above have suggested that biological mothers and non-biological mothers both tend to assume parenting roles in de novo families (Ben-Ari & Livni, 2006; Brown & Perlesz, 2008; Gartrell et al., 1999, 2000, 2006; Libson, 2012; Mitchell, 1995; Palma et al., 2012; Polášková, 2007; Santos & Alves de Toledo, 2006; Tasker, & Golombok, 1998; Wilson, 2000). Although the word used to define the non-biological mother's relationship with their child might vary, the most common words seem to be "mother" or "parent" (Brown & Perlesz, 2007; Wilson, 2000). Thus the non-biological mother is often identified as "co-mother" in the academic literature. This co-parenting arrangement seems to be similar irrespective of the cultural context in which
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lesbian mothers live, and has been observed in ESWE countries (Brown and Perlesz, 2008; Gartrell et al., 1999, 2000, 2006; Mitchell, 1995; Tasker, & Golombok, 1998; Wilson, 2000), the Czech Republic (Polášková, 2007), Israel (Ben-Ari & Livni, 2006), Argentina (Libson, 2012) and Brazil (Palma et al., 2012; Santos & Alves de Toledo, 2006).
Furthermore, studies conducted in ESWE countries have revealed that in most de novo families biological and non-biological mothers seem to be equality involved in caregiving and be equally bounded to their children (Brown & Perlesz, 2008; Gartrell et al., 1999, 2000, 2006; Mitchell, 1995; Tasker, & Golombok, 1998; Wilson, 2000). However, in some ESWE studies de novo families formed through donor insemination, birth mothers tend to contribute more to childcare than do co- mothers and consequently are more likely to be perceived as the primary parent (US National Longitudinal Lesbian Family Study - Gartrell et al., 1999, 2000, 2006). This suggests that some lesbian mothers in ESWE countries prioritise biological ties to define family relationships. Interestingly, the primacy of biology to build family relationships seems to be stronger in other cultural contexts. Indeed studies conducted with de novo families in the Czech Republic
(Polášková, 2007), Israel (Ben-Ari & Livni, 2006), Argentina (Libson, 2012) have shown that the biological link with the child is crucial in the definition of mother- child relationship. Thus, the processes of pregnancy and childbirth are seeing as essential aspects of experiencing motherhood. The primacy of biology in defining family relationships contrasts significantly with the notion of 'doing family' (Perlesz et al., 2006a). Indeed, de novo lesbian mothers in ESWE countries, notably Australia and the U.K., often describe their families as fluid and dynamic and gave a relevant place to nurturing relationships (Brown & Perlesz, 2007;
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Perlesz et al., 2006a; Swainson & Tasker, 2005; Tasker & Granville, 2011). Furthermore, the substantial weight given to biological ties place biological and non-biological mothers in unbalanced positions. Thus, some co-mothers struggle to be acknowledged as mothers, and the lack of social and legal recognition also contributes to threaten their status as mothers.
Studies conducted with PHRD lesbian-led families in Latino countries have revealed similar findings. Co-mothers in stepfamilies might be less likely than co- mothers in de novo families to be involved in parenting. However, while some biological mothers' partners choose to adopt a friendship relationship with children, other biological mothers' partners become involved as parents (Haces, 2006; Herrera, 2009; Jara & Araujo, 2011). Thus, co-mothers in PHRD families might also feel in a secondary position in relation to the biological mother's primary status. Furthermore, while some biological mothers' partners might contribute less in child care, other biological mothers' partners become more involved in childrearing activities, even if they do not desire to be identified as mothers. Indeed, Latina lesbian mothers usually share childrearing activities with their lesbian friends/ex-partners, sisters and mothers. Thus, the support of other women in childrearing activities seems to be a common aspect of lesbian-led families in Latino societies. Scholars have suggested that Latina women are seen as natural caregivers by society and that motherhood is an essential aspect of femininity (Haces, 2006; Herrera, 2009; Libson, 2012; Sánchez et al., 2004). Thus, compared with ESWE lesbian mothers, Latina lesbian mothers might be more willing to look for help with childcare from other women within their social networks.
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When lesbian mothers build their family relationships, they also need to define the place given to biological fathers in a PHRD family or donors in a de novo family. Studies conducted with de novo lesbian mothers in ESWE countries have revealed that some family members include biological fathers and donors within their family descriptions because of their more or less active role in child's life (Perlesz et al., 2006a; Tasker & Granville, 2011). In contrast, studies conducted with PHRD lesbian mothers in Latin American countries have shown that biological father had a privileged position regardless of his presence or absence from the child's life. Interestingly, some Brazilian lesbian mothers in Pinheiro’s study did try to lessen the donor’s/biological father’s involvement in childrearing, but fathers were not excluded entirely from the family context by these lesbian mothers (Pinheiro, 2006). Similarly, some Chilean lesbian mothers denoted their child’s biological father as essential part of successful childrearing, and some fathers took a more o less active role in their children’s care and education (Herrera, 2009). Here, again Latina lesbian mothers seem to give a more prominent place to biological ties than do lesbian mothers of ESWE countries when they define family relationships. Additionally, the presence of the father seems to be considered as important in Latino societies as some Latina lesbian mothers reported having been extensively questioned about the absence of a masculine role within their families (Palma et al., 2012; Sánchez et al., 2004; Santos & Alves de Toledo, 2006)
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2.3.2. Lesbian mothers navigating in the private and the public domains
As lesbian mothers create their own family configurations and relationships beyond the traditional model of the ideal heterosexual family, they need to negotiate how to present themselves and their families within both private and public domains. Studies conducted in ESWE countries have revealed that lesbian mothers in de novo families tend to be more open than lesbian mothers PHRD regarding their sexual identity in their social contexts (Gartrell et al., 1999, 2000; Perlesz et al., 2006a, b; Wilson, 2000). However, as children became older, some lesbian mothers tend to tone down their visibility in response to their children's rising concerns about discrimination (Gartrell et al., 2000; Mitchell, 1998). Furthermore, studies have shown that many lesbian mothers in de novo families have reported being concerned about the possibility of their children being discriminated against (Gartrell et al., 1999, 2000; Jennings, Mellish, Tasker, Lamb, & Golombok, 2014; Mitchell, 1998). Indeed, some studies have revealed that some lesbian mothers have reported experiences of
discrimination/heterosexism encountered by their children (Cohen & Kuvalanka, 2011; Mitchell, 1995; Wilson, 2000). Thus, some lesbian mothers in de novo families attempt to pre-emptively prepare their children to deal with homophobia by teaching them about family and sexual diversity and mainstream attitudes (Gartrell et al., 1999, 2000; Mitchell, 1995).
Studies conducted with de novo and PHRD lesbian mothers in Latin America also have revealed that many lesbian mothers were concerned about the possibility of their children encountering experiences of, or being affected by, discrimination (Herrera, 2009; Jara & Araujo, 2011; Palma et al., 2012; Pinheiro, 2006; Sánchez
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et al., 2004; Santos & Alves de Toledo, 2006). Indeed, Latina lesbian mothers' concerns seem to be stronger than the worries reported by lesbian mothers in ESWE countries. For instance, research has indicated that most Latina lesbian mothers usually hide their sexual identity in the public domain because they felt afraid of being identified as a lesbian, and restricted their the disclosure only to the family context (Herrera, 2009; Jara & Araujo, 2011; Palma et al., 2012; Pinheiro, 2006; Sánchez et al., 2004; Santos & Alves de Toledo, 2006). On the one hand, lesbian mothers living in Latino countries usually describe their social context as deeply homophobic, such as Brazilian lesbian mothers who have reported living in a context where violence against LGBT people is common (Pinheiro, 2006). Thus, these lesbian mothers coexist with the fear of being attacked (Pinheiro, 2006; Santos & Alves de Toledo, 2006). On the other hand, Latina lesbian mothers have reported concerns related to the possibility of losing the custody of their children, for example, the Chilean lesbian mothers who were threatened by their former heterosexual partners, or even by their family of origin, during custody disputes (Herrera, 2009; Jara & Araujo, 2011).
Within this highly homophobic context, Latina lesbian mothers understandably need to think carefully how to disclose to their children. Thus, coming out to their children is often described as a difficult process, particularly in PHRD families (Haces, 2006; Jara & Araujo, 2011). Indeed, some Chilean and some Mexican lesbian mothers have looked for help to disclose to their children by accessing supportive groups or mental health professionals (Haces, 2006; Jara & Araujo, 2011). Furthermore, studies have revealed how heterosexism has pervaded the way in which some lesbian mothers have conveyed their sexual identity to their children. For instance, some Brazilian and some Mexican lesbian mothers have
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reported being concern about being "a model of lesbianism" or have taught their children to avoid following "a homosexual path"19 (Haces, 2006; Pinheiro, 2006), a concern not described in studies conducted in ESWE countries in recent times (Tasker & Rensten, in press). Nevertheless, research indicates that most Latina lesbian mothers feel proud about their identity and do not pathologise their sexual orientation (Herrera, 2009; Jara & Araujo, 2011; Libson, 2013; Palma et al., 2012; Pinheiro, 2006; Santos & Alves de Toledo, 2006). Thus, lesbian mothers' main concerns are related to prejudice and not to their own lesbian identity. That might explain why Latina lesbian mothers try to remain hidden in order to protect their children from discrimination, particularly in their child’s local contexts, such as in school settings (Haces, 2006; Jara & Araujo, 2011). Interestingly, no Latino study has reported experiences of discrimination by the children of lesbian mothers.
Finally, research studies conducted with de novo and PHRD lesbian mothers in ESWE countries, Israel and Latin America have revealed that acceptance by their family of origin is a significant aspect of the family life of lesbian mothers. Nevertheless, the involvement of the family of origin might vary according to understandings of “family” in different cultural context. For instance, studies conducted with de novo lesbian-led families in ESWE countries have shown that some grandparents gradually tend to accept their grandchildren, begin to feel included within the family, or begin to come out in their social contexts (Gartrell et al., 1999, 2006; Perlesz et al., 2006a; Swainson & Tasker, 2005; Tasker & Granville, 2011). Furthermore, de novo lesbian mothers in Israel reported
becoming more accepted by their family of origin after becoming mothers because
19 Similarly, lesbian mothers in the Czech Republic have reported concerns about their children
development concerning their future sexual orientation, gender identity and gender role behaviours (Polášková, 2007).
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motherhood is highly valued within Jewish family tradition, even if their parents' rejection of their daughter's lesbian identity continued (Ben-Ari & Livni, 2006). Moreover, previous research studies on de novo and PHRD lesbian mothers in Latin America reported that lesbian mothers struggled to feel accepted by their parents and had often hid their sexuality from their parents, for instance through hiding their partner as just their friend. Nevertheless, other lesbian mothers chose to disclose to their parents despite anticipating parental hostility. In these studies, if lesbian mothers did disclose to their family of origin there were often clues that family of origin continued to be closely involved with their lesbian daughter and her children, for example, with the lesbian mother's own mother helping out with childcare (Haces, 2006; Herrera, 2009; Jara & Araujo, 2011; Libson, 2012; Palma et al., 2012; Sánchez et al., 2004).
Overall research has revealed that the family life of de novo and PHRD lesbian mothers have been impacted by the cultural context in which they live. Cultural understandings of the family and gender might influence the way in which lesbian mothers build their own family and parenting projects.
Furthermore, the surrounding heteronormativity and homophobia in the cultural context might impact the ways in which lesbian mothers navigate in their family and local social contexts. Moreover, unsupportive legal contexts might constrain the legal recognition and social protection of family members of lesbian-led families. I suggest that to further contextualise cultural influences we also need to know more about how other aspects of the cultural context, such as religious discourses, might impact the family life of lesbian mothers through the family of origin influences.
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The Chilean cultural context might provide a unique avenue within which to investigate how religious discourses might impact understandings of lesbian motherhood and the family life of lesbian mothers. The homophobic context existing in Chile, as in the rest of Latin America, has been largely associated with the historical rejection of homosexuality fostered by the Catholic Church
(Akerlund & Cheung, 2000; Bozon et al., 2009). However, the Catholic Church has been seen to have had a greater impact on law and policy in Chile when compared with other Latin American countries, such as Argentina and Brazil (Htun, 2003; Valdés, 2005). For instance, Htun suggested that Catholic Church and democratic parties collaborated in creating a conservative agenda regarding family and sexuality values during the transition to democracy in Chile. In
contrast, cracks in the State-Church relationship in Argentina and Brazil opened a window for liberal demands during the past decades. Indeed, same-sex marriage has been approved in Argentina (2010) and Brazil (2013), while it remained illegal in Chile because of the powerful resistance by the Catholic Church and conservative political groups (Oyarzún, 2011). Hence, the Catholic Church and conservative political groups have been profoundly influential in law and policy privileging the heterosexual family model (Lyons, 2004; Oyarzún, 2011).
Locating lesbian motherhood within a broader socio-cultural context might provide new insight into how lesbian mothers experience their family life.
Therefore, in this thesis, I present the findings of three studies exploring different understandings of lesbian motherhood within a Chilean cultural context. The study with lesbian mothers examined how sexual identity and motherhood were negotiated in the private and the public domains. The study with LB prospective mothers focused on how young childless LB women constructed possible
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narratives of future motherhood within the context of a homophobic society. The study with heterosexual women centred on how lesbian motherhood was
understood by women who were part of the mainstream heteronormative society in Chile. Overall the three studies aimed to locate different understandings of lesbian motherhood within the current Chilean socio-cultural and historical context, with a particular focus on religious discourses and family of origin influences.
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