Reduplication interacts with other affixes in various ways. As it is the most common type of reduplication, final-syllable reduplication is of the greatest interest in this regard.
First of all, final-syllable reduplication targets the final syllable of a root, and so suffixes are excluded from the domain of the process and are never re- duplicated. This is illustrated for the various suffixes described in Chapter 4, section 1 in (5), in which the relevant suffix is in bold.
(5) kennallagi ‘introduce’ nal-kennallagi ‘introduce (PL)’ tolessagi ‘write for’ les-tolessagi ‘write for (PL)’ tamenan ‘plant (N)’ men-tamenan ‘plants’
pekkeran ‘think and think’ ker-pekkeran ‘think and think’ pesowe ‘yell at’ so-pesowe ‘yell at (PL)’
kereme ‘send to’ rem-kereme ‘send to (PL)’
bukuna ‘the book’ ku-bukuna ‘the books’ motorra ‘the car’ tor-motorra ‘the cars’
It may seem quite natural to expect suffixes to play no role in final-syllable reduplication as it is possible that reduplication precedes suffixation in the deri- vation of a form. However, there are theoretical and phonological reasons for rejecting such an explanation and instead attributing this to the fact that it is the root that is specified as the target of reduplication.
First, the meaning of some derived forms indicates that suffixation pre- cedes reduplication. For instance, the word men-tamenan means ‘plants’, a plural noun. As will be seen shortly, reduplication is generally (although not exclusively) associated with notions of plurality. The root for this word is the verb tamen ‘plant’. In order to form a plural noun, the verb must first be nomi- nalized, which is accomplished through affixation of -an, a nominalizing suffix: [tamenV] + [anN] o [[tamenV]anN]. At this point, the plural noun can be derived
through final-syllable reduplication, yielding [men[[tamenV]anN]N]. Thus, based
on the meaning, it is more logical from the standpoint of grammatical theory for suffixation to precede reduplication. Additionally, it has long been noted that derivational morphological processes overwhelmingly tend to precede inflec- tional processes. As nominalization is a derivational process and pluralization an inflectional one, it is expected for -an to be suffixed first, deriving a noun from a verb, and reduplication is subsequent to this, inflecting the noun for number.
Second, there is evidence that suffixes are applied prior to reduplication as phonological changes induced by the suffix are reflected in the reduplicated syllable. Stevens (1985) illustrates this convincingly with the form wa'-buwa'an ‘fruits’. The root form is buwa ‘fruit’. Recall from Chapter 2 (section 5.1) that sequences of identical vowels, here aa (realized as [ɤɤ] because of vowel har- mony) trigger -epenthesis. Thus the affixation of -an induces -epenthesis, resulting in [buwɤɤn]. When the final syllable of the root is reduplicated, the is included in the reduplicant [wɤ-buwɤɤn] (where the reduplicated syllable is in bold). If reduplication preceded suffixation, the expected form would be the incorrect form *[wɤ-buwɤɤn] because there would be no final consonant in the root. As the phonological change induced by suffixation shows up in the redup- licated syllable, suffixation must precede reduplication. Indeed, as argued con- vincingly by Stevens (1985), reduplication in Madurese must be a lexical process that operates on the phonetic representation of the stem.
Further evidence for this ordering of affixation and reduplication is avail- able from the interaction of final-syllable reduplication with the nominal cirum- fix ka-...-an. Karaja'an ‘kingdom’ is a locative nominal derived from raja ‘king’. Application of final-syllable reduplication results in ja'-karaja'an ‘king- doms’. The fact that the reduplicated syllable ja' occurs to the left of the affix
ka- follows naturally if reduplication of the root is subsequent to affixation of the circumfix. If reduplication preceded affixation, *kaja-raja'an would be ex- pected. Again, the glottal stop in the final position of both the root and redupli- cant is introduced by -epenthesis, the environment for which is created by the affixation of ka-...-an. If reduplication preceded the affixation of the circumfix, the appearance of the glottal stop would again be mysterious. That ja'-karaja'an is a plural for ‘kingdom’ and not ‘king’ adds additional, semantic evidence. The order reduplication before affixation would predict that compositionally the result would mean ‘a place to find kings’ rather than ‘places to find a king’. Additional instances of reduplication combining with circumfixes are given in (6).
(6) root derived form reduplicated form toron katoronan ron-katoronan ‘descend’ ‘descendent’ ‘descendants’ camat kacamadan mat-kacamadan2
‘district head’ ‘district’ ‘districts’ jalan pajalanan lan-pajalanan ‘road/walk’ ‘pedestrian’ ‘pedestrians’
makam pamakaman kam-pamakaman
‘grave’ ‘cemetery’ ‘cemeteries’ parenta pamarenta'an ta'-pamarenta'an
‘command’ ‘government’ ‘governments’
Final-syllable reduplication combines with prefixes in different ways, depending on the prefix. For example, the reduplicated syllable precedes the actor voice morpheme ng- but follows the actor voice morpheme a-, as illu- strated in (7) and (8), respectively.
(7) nobi' ‘pinch’ bi'-nobi' ‘pinch (PL)’ ngenom ‘drink’ nom-ngenom ‘drink (PL)’ moger ‘chop’ ger-moger ‘chop (PL)’
noles ‘write’ les-noles ‘write (PL)’
(8) akalenjar ‘travel’ ajar-kalenjar
acaca ‘say’ aca-caca
2In the form mat-kacamadan [mat-kacmatn], the reduplicated syllable does not reflect the aspiration of the root-final [t] as predicted by the current analysis. However, recall that only voiceless unaspirated stops may occur in syllable-final position. This phono- tactic constraint accounts for this apparent anomaly. See Stevens 1985 for further dis- cussion.
alako ‘work’ ako-lako
abundu' ‘wrap’ adu'-bundu'
For verb roots that can occur with either ng- or a-, the position of the prefix is consistent with the forms above.
(9) kerem ‘send’ rem-ngerem arem-kerem ‘send (PL)’
berri' ‘give’ ri'-merri' ari'-berri' ‘give (PL)’
sapo ‘sweep’ po-nyapo apo-sapo ‘sweep (PL)’
bukka' ‘open’ ka'-mokka' aka'-bukka' ‘open (PL)’
toles ‘write’ les-noles ales-toles ‘write (PL)’ Not all forms in (9) are accepted by all speakers, and some forms are preferred by most speakers. The preferred forms coincide with the actor voice morpheme typically selected for individual predicates and are indicated by underscoring.
The object voice prefix e- also precedes the reduplicant. (10) ekoco ‘be teased’ eco-koco ‘be teased (PL)’
etarek ‘be pulled’ erek-tarek ‘be pulled (PL)’
esolor ‘be passed on’ elor-solor ‘be passed on (PL)’ ebaca ‘be read’ eca-baca ‘be read (PL)’
On the other hand, the involitive ta- and the result/abilitive morpeme ka- follow the reduplicant.3
(11) tapokol ‘be hit accidentally’ kol-tapokol ‘be hit accidentally (PL)’
tatobi' ‘be pinched accidentally’ bi'-tatobi' ‘be pinched accidentally (PL)’
takerem ‘be sent accidentally’ rem-takerem ‘be sent accidentally (PL)’ tantor ‘collide’ tor-tantor ‘collide (PL)’
(12) kapeggel ‘become angry’ gel-kapeggel ‘become angry (PL)’
katako' ‘become afraid’ ko'-katako' ‘become afraid (PL)’
kabaca ‘can be read’ ca-kabaca ‘can be read (PL)’
kasabbu ‘get used as a belt’ bu-kasabbu ‘get used as a belt (PL)’
As shown above, the initial syllable that is part of the circumfix ka-...-an fol- lows the reduplicated syllable (6), as does the nominal prefix pa-.
(13) patane ‘farmer’ ne-patane ‘farmers’
pasoro ‘messenger/missionary’ ro-pasoro ‘messengers/missionaries’
3The base form of tantor ‘collide’ is ta-antor. The root initial [a] deletes under the in- fluence of the prefix [ta].
The prefix sa- ‘one/all’, also follows the reduplicated syllable. (14) malem ‘night’ lem-samalem ‘each night’
are ‘day’ re-sa'are ‘each day’
kerra' ‘piece’ ra'-sakerra' ‘one piece each’
The causative prefix pa- (shown in actor voice form ma- here) displays some flexibility regarding its position with respect to the reduplicated syllable.
(15) palabu ‘make fall’ bu-palabu pabu-labu ‘make fall (PL)’ pasossa ‘make sad’ sa-pasossa pasa-sossa ‘made sad (PL)’ paenom ‘make drink’ nom-paenom panom-enom ‘make drink (PL)'
Both forms in each set can be used as reduplicated causative forms. However, the forms in the middle column have an additional specialized meaning of roughly ‘pretend to X’ (see section 3.1.3). Causatives, including these forms, are treated in Chapter 10, section 6. Additionally, clitics such as the negative ta'/lo' can follow the causative morpheme, and the reduplicated syllable can precede both.
(16) pata'sake' ‘not make sick’ ke'-pata'sake' ‘not make sick (PL)’ pata'lesso ‘not make tired’ so-pata'lesso ‘not make tired (PL)’ Finally, the object voice can combine with the ka- morpheme and the causative. In both cases, the various morphemes occur in their expected positions: ka- must follow the reduplicant, pa- may either follow or precede the reduplicant, and e- must take the outermost position.
(17) kapeggel ‘become angry’ egel-kapeggel ‘be made angry (PL)’
katako' ‘become afraid’ eko'-katako' ‘become afraid (PL)’
palabu ‘make fall’ ebu-palabu epabu-labu ‘be made to fall (PL)’ pasossa ‘make sad’ esa-pasossa epasa-sossa ‘be made sad (PL)’
Total reduplication is less common than final-syllable reduplication. Gen- erally speaking, whole-word reduplication is associated with nouns, and the affixes associated with derived nouns are included in the scope of reduplication. (18) massa' ‘cook’ massa'an ‘food/dish’ massa'an-massa'an ‘dishes’
raja ‘king’ karaja'an ‘kingdom’ karaja'an-karaja'an ‘kingdoms’ junel ‘skilled’ kajunelan ‘expertise’ kajunelan-kajunelan ‘expertises’ jalan ‘road’ pajalanan ‘pedestrian’ pajalanan-pajalanan
tane ‘farm’ patane ‘farmer’ patane-patane ‘farmers’ toddu' ‘point’ panoddu' ‘pointer’ panoddu'-panoddu' ‘pointers’ jaga ‘guard’ panjaga ‘guard’ panjaga-panjaga ‘guards’ When used with verbs that must be marked for voice, the voice mor- pheme generally precedes the reduplicant, and only the root is reduplicated. The lone exception to this is the nasal actor voice morpheme. In this case both the base and the reduplicant are inflected for actor voice.
(19) toles ‘write’ noles-noles ‘write (PL)’
pokol ‘hit’ mokol-mokol ‘hit (PL)’
baca ‘read’ maca-maca ‘read (PL)’
kerem ‘send’ ngerem-ngerem ‘send (PL)’
When the a- form is used, the base is reduplicated and the actor voice mor- pheme occurs in word-initial position.
(20) berri' ‘give’ aberri'-berri' ‘give (PL)’
lonca’ ‘jump’ alonca'-lonca' ‘jump (PL)’
berka' ‘run’ aberka'-berka' ‘run (PL)’
jelling ‘watch’ ajelling-jelling ‘watch (PL)’
Likewise, in object voice, the base is reduplicated and the actor voice morpheme occurs in word-initial position.
(21) epokol-pokol ‘be hit (PL)’ ekerem-kerem ‘be sent (PL)’ eberri'-berri' ‘be given (PL)’ ejelling-jelling ‘be watched (PL)’
The same is true of all the verbal prefixes, including the causative prefix pa-, which showed flexibility of position in cases of final-syllable reduplication. (22) a. ta-
tapokol-pokol ‘get hit accidentally (PL)’
takerem-kerem ‘get sent accidentally (PL)’
tamole-mole ‘return home accidentally (PL) b. ka-
kasenneng-senneng ‘become happy (PL)’ karaja-raja ‘become large (PL)’
c. pa-
pasenneng-senneng ‘make happy (PL)’
papote-pote ‘make white (PL)’
palabu-labu ‘cause to fall (PL)’
As is the case with final-syllable reduplication, verbal suffixes are never reduplicated in whole-word reduplication. Thus in (20), only the second instan- tiation of the reduplicated material, the root, carries a suffix (which is in bold- face).1
(23) ngennallagi ‘introduce’ ngennal-ngennallagi ‘introduce (PL)’
amassa'agi ‘cook for’ amassa'-massa'agi ‘cook for (PL)’
ngereme ‘send to’ ngerem-ngereme ‘send to (PL)’
mokole ‘hit repeatedly’ mokol-mokole ‘hit repeatendly (PL)’ ajaran ‘study often’ ajar-ajaran ‘study often (PL)’ aberka'an ‘run often’ aberka'-berka'an ‘run often (PL)’ Only prefixes and circumfixes are of potential interest with respect to Ca/initial-syllable reduplication. In each case, the reduplicated syllable follows the prefix. The reduplicant is bolded in (24).
(24) tolong ‘help’ ata-tolong ‘help (PL)’
buruk ‘advise’ aba-buruk ‘advise (PL)’ lenggi ‘sit’ ela-lenggi'i ‘be sat on (PL)’ buruk ‘advise’ ebu-buruk ‘be advised (PL)’
It should be noted that lenggi ‘sit’ is from a higher speech level and is transiti- vized with the locative suffix -e (realized here as [i]), which makes it eligible for the object voice morphology that occurs word initially.