reduce violence within the home and at school.”
15 Physical punishment includes spanking, beating, punching, twisting a child’s ears or any other hitting, with the hand or any implement.
Figure 11. Children aged 7–8 experiencing of physical punishment at school in the last week, Andhra Pradesh, 2009 (%)
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Total Girls*** Boys*** Urban** Rural** Poorest quintile*** quintile*** Least poor %
* p<0.05, ** P<0.01, ***p<0.001
Similarly in Peru physical punishment ‘is the cornerstone of the disciplinary system’ even though it is prohibited (Rojas 2011). Physical violence is used not only between teachers and pupils, but also among students who reproduce ‘the authoritarian and masculine system of the school’ whereby physical strength is associated with what it means to be male. This has the potential to legitimise violent behaviour and reinforce gender norms.
Violence within the home is also a reality for many children, as demonstrated by Table 3. Over a third of girls and a quarter of boys in Peru and 11 per cent of girls and 15 per cent of boys in Vietnam reported being physically hurt by a family member.16 Qualitative research in Vietnam has revealed
how children’s experiences of violence in the home are shaped by poverty, gender hierarchies and access to social and economic resources. In Vietnam focus group discussions indicated that there was greater acknowledgement of violence in the home and more support services available in the urban
16 These data come from the Self-Administered Questionnaire which was given to the 14–15-year-olds to complete in 2009. It is important to note that there is likely to under-reporting.
sites than the rural sites. In rural areas, violence in the home is more normalised, by children as well as adults. In urban areas, there are more wage-earning opportunities for women and children to reduce dependency on men. However, the persistence of the ideal of family harmony in
Vietnamese society and the continuing view of family violence as a private matter means children and caregivers are reluctant to seek support, even where services exist (Pells et al. forthcoming).
Table 3. 15-year-olds reporting being physically hurt by a family member or stranger, Peru and Vietnam, 2009 (%)
Girls Boys
Physically hurt by family member Peru 36 27.19 Vietnam 11.63 15.06
Physically hurt by stranger Peru 14 26.9
Vietnam 2.86 11.51
Table 3 also indicates the high prevalence of ‘stranger’ violence towards children, especially boys.17 While Young Lives does not have comparative
data on physical harm by strangers in earlier rounds, children were asked to agree or disagree with the question: ‘Is the area you live in safe for children?’ The percentage of children aged 8 who thought that their area was safe increased across all the countries between 2002 and 2009, with the exception of Vietnam where it remained unchanged at 88 per cent. However, this masks differences between urban and rural communities. Children in urban areas were slightly less likely to feel their area was safe, particularly in Ethiopia and Peru, although in both countries the trend of children feeling unsafe increased over this period from 72 to 81 per cent among urban children in Ethiopia and 65 to 70 per cent in Peru. However, children in urban areas identified social risks (particularly in relation to girls and personal safety) and saw insecure surroundings as a source of risk (Vennam et al. 2010). Insecurity and social distance between groups of people do not only affect the well-being of children who are from the poorest families. In Peru, Susan (age 16), who is from a less poor household, was very worried by what she perceived as rising violence and crime in Lima and how this would affect
17 Stranger is translated as ‘unknown person’ in the local languages. However it is possible that different interpretations of ‘stranger’ exist in different areas. For example, in rural, remote communities, ‘strangers’ may not be people who are completely unknown, but outside the family and immediate social networks.
her studies, as she would have to commute to university: “I’m getting close to the point where I won’t go, I won’t go and study away from home, as it makes me afraid … because they say that it is getting more unsafe” (Pells et al. 2013).
Summary
●● Schooling is playing a pivotal role in challenging traditional expectations,
notably around the roles of girls and boys as they make the transition through puberty and towards marriage.
●
● In Ethiopia intensive advocacy, supported by greater participation in
school and economic opportunities for young people, has resulted in changes in values and practices regarding early marriage and female circumcision. However, these changes have created difficulties for some children and families, especially where traditional practices have been seen as protective against stigma and a source of social insurance, mobility and even survival.
●
● Violence within the school, community and home remains a feature of
children’s lives. Over a third of girls and a quarter of boys in Peru and 11 per cent of girls and 15 per cent of boys in Vietnam reported being physically hurt by a family member.
●
● Policies addressing traditional practices need to take account of the
broader structures, such as poverty and gender norms, that shape children’s and families’ experiences. Ensuring that young people can access good-quality schooling, health services and employment opportunities is an important part of reducing attachment to traditional practices.