Besides the boar, no other sacrificial animal is mentioned in Old Norse literature as often as the bull.According to Gould, the bull was the most important sacrificial animal because there are no words such as *blótsvín, *blóthestr or *blótgöltr, while the word blótnaut is frequently used.1233 Although there are some exceptions, the majority of references suggests that bull sacrifice was connected with legal matters.1234 First of all, a bull‟s blood is mentioned in accounts of ceremonies related to oath-taking. Several literary sources mention that the ring used in such ceremonies was reddened in the bull‟s blood. The most famous example is contained in Úlfljótslǫg, which is argued to be a heathen law:1235
Baugr tvíeyringr eða meiri skyldi liggja í hverju hǫfuðhofi á stalla; þann baug skyldi hverr goði hafa á hendi sér til lǫgþinga allra, þeira er hann skyldi sjálfr heyja, ok rjóða hann þar áðr í roðru nautsblóðs þess, er hann blótaði þar sjálfr. Hverr sá maðr, er þar þurfti lǫgskil af hendi at leysa at dómi, skyldi áðr eið vinna at þeim baugi ok nefna sér vátta tvá eða fleiri. „Nefni ek í þat vætti,“ skyldi hann segja, „at ek vinn eið at baugi, lögeið; hjálpi mér svá Freyr ok Njǫrðr ok hinn almáttki áss, sem ek mun svá sök þessa sækja eða verja eða vitni bera eða kviðu eða dóma, sem ek
1232 This opinion probably began with the earlier scholars: See for example, Grimm 2004, pp. 51-52. It was later developed in Dumézil‟s tripartite theory, in which sacrifice was interpreted as being tripartite in accordance with the classes of gods. See, for example, Turville-Petre 1993, p. 255, Simek 1993, p. 16. On Dumézil, see Chapter 3.3.
1233 Gould 1930, p. 149. On the other hand, the existence of words sonarblót and sonargǫltr (see examples below in Chapter 10.2.) may argue the importance of the boar sacrifice.
1234
For example in Ynglinga saga it is said that it was during the reign of the King Dómaldi, when there was great hunger and starvation (“sultr ok seyra”), that people first sacrificed oxen (Íslenzk fornrit XXVI, p. 31). It is possible to interpret such act as being an attempt to establish law, because famine is a sign of chaos. Nonetheless, I do not wish to push this idea too far. Another example comes from Þiðranda þáttr ok Þorhalls. There is a bull called Spámaðr which was supposed to be slaughtered for the festival of the winter nights (Sigurður Nordal 1944, vol. I, p. 466). It might be noted that Ellis Davidson connects both the boar and the bull with divination but only mentions one example from Ireland (Ellis Davidson 1988, pp. 51 and 143).
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veit réttast ok sannast ok helzt at lǫgum, ok öll lǫgmæt skil af hendi leysa, þau er undir mik koma, meðan ek em á þessu þingi“.1236
The same idea occurs in Víga-Glúms saga which refers to an oath and a bull sacrifice:
Sá maðr, er hofseið skyldi vinna, tók silfrbaug í họnd sér, þann er roðinn var í nauts blóði, þess er til blóta væri haft, ok skyldi eigi minna standa en þrjá aura.1237
Another example of bull sacrifice appears to be related to the hólmganga,1238 when a bull is sacrificed before or after. The hólmganga can also be understood as being an act of law, both in terms of its rules and its legal role.1239 Egils Saga contains an account of such a
hólmganga: from the context, it is obvious that a bull should always be sacrificed when a hólmganga took place:
Þar var leiddr fram graðungr mikill ok gamall; var þat kallat blótnaut; þat skyldi sá hǫggva, er sigr hefði; var þat stundum eitt naut, stundum lét sitt hvárr fram leiða, sá er á hólm gekk.1240
Another example of a bull sacrifice connected to the hólmganga occurs in Kormáks
saga where we read that “Kormákr hjó blótnaut eptir siðvenju....”1241 Here, once again, the context shows that bull sacrifice seems to have been firmly connected with the hólmganga. The use of the word “siðvenja” (tradition) is interesting because it once again shows that there was a particular tradition of bulls being sacrificed before or after the hólmganga, and suggests that this example was probably not unique.
Another sacrifice made in Víga-Glúms saga has also kind of legal purpose. Here Þorkell
hávi makes a sacrifice of an ox to Freyr in the hope of getting justice:
Ok áðr Þorkell fór á brott frá Þverá, þá gekk hann til hofs Freys ok leiddi þagat uxa gamlan ok mælti svá: „Freyr,“ sagði hann, „er lengi hefir fulltrúi minn verit ok margar gjafar at mér þegit og
1236 Íslenzk fornrit I, pp. 313-314. See also Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts (Íslenzk fornrit XIII, pp. 342-343). A similar description is in Eyrbyggja saga but here, there is no mention of a bull sacrifice but simply sacrificial blood (hlaut) taken from animals (Íslenzk fornrit IV, pp. 8-9).
1237 Íslenzk fornrit IX, p. 86.
1238 See Cleasby, Vigfusson 1874, p. 280. 1239
Hólmganga is discussed by Kellett in the context of juridical combats. Kellett calls it a “juridical” act because it was part of a legal process and it determined guilt or innocence (Kellett 2008, p. 12).
1240 Íslenzk fornrit II, p. 209. 1241 Íslenzk fornrit VIII, p. 290.
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vel launat, nú gef ek þér uxa þenna til þess, at Glúmr fari eigi ónauðgari af Þverárlandi en ek fer nú. Ok láttu sjá nǫkkurar jartegnir, hvártú þiggr eða eigi.“1242
The same thing occurs in Brandkrossa þáttr: Oddr who has to leave his district holds a feast where he offers a whole bull in honour of the god Freyr:
En er Oddr bjó sína ferð í braut, þá lét hann höggva graðung ok sjóða. En inn fyrsta fardag, þá er Oddr var á brott búinn, lætr hann borð setja með endilöngum sætum, ok vat þetta allt graðungsslátr á borð borit. Gekk þá Oddr þar at svá talandi: „Hér er nú vandliga borð búit ok svá sem inum kærstum vinum várum. Þessa veizlu gef ek alla Frey, at hann láti eigi þann með minna harmi brott fara af Oddstöðum, er í minn stað kemr, en ek fer nú.“1243
Nonetheless, it should be remembered that this passage seems to be influenced by Víga-
Glúms saga.1244
Another reference to a bull sacrifice which seems to be about getting one‟s rights is in
Hyndluljóð (st. 10). Once again, the context suggests that the sacrifice has something to do
with the law,1245 since Óttarr sacrifices to Freyja in order to get help in his contest with Angantýr:
Hǫrg hann mér gerdi hlaðinn steinom nú er griót þat at gleri orðit; rauð hann í nýio nauta blóði æ trúði Óttarr á ásynior.1246
All of the examples given above thus place bull sacrifices within the context of legal matters and although in some cases a god or a goddess are mentioned, the purpose is underlined clearly.1247 In short, it seems that the relationship between the god and the animal is not valid in the case of the bull which is not obviously connected to the Vanir in other accounts. Indeed, from the mythical sources, it is far from certain which god the bull is most
1242 Íslenzk fornrit IX, p. 34. 1243 Íslenzk fornrit XI, p. 186. 1244
Jón Jóhannesson in Íslenzk fornrit XI, p. lxxxiii. See also Turville-Petre 1964, pp. 255-256. 1245 See Näsström 1995, pp. 151-152.
1246 Neckel, Kuhn 1983, p. 289.
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closely connected to.1248 It nevertheless seems clear that in all cases the bull sacrifice is related to legal matters. In short, the purpose of the sacrifice seems to be the most important with regard to the choice of animal. The same seems to apply in the case of the sacrifice of the boar, in which the context is different, strengthening the idea that the animal was also important for its own quality, rather than merely its connection to a god.