Modelo pedagógico y la propuesta de diseño curricular del Gimnasio Fontana.

As a result of the literature review and the data analysis, it was possible to identify the compounded effects of low levels of English knowledge, limited social and family support in Australia, unaffordable childcare services, and economic constraints on participants’ acculturation processes.

Although English classes were organized, free of cost, by many immigration services, they were not organized during a period when immigrants could actually benefit from them. To many immigrant women, the initial two years in a new country represented a complex process in many aspects, when finding appropriate housing, taking care of their children and finding a new job were considered priorities. Adjusting to all these new needs would take few years of immigrants’ lives, representing a difficult period to learn English. As many authors (e.g., Chiswick, 1991; Hayfron, 2006; Kossoudji, 1988; McManus et al., 1983) indicated, immigrants’ skills in the host country’s language have a direct impact on their acculturation outcomes. As observed with these participants, limited skills in English negatively affected their labour opportunities, forcing them to stay at unskilled or semi- skilled low paid jobs. Long hours of work in manufacturing or cleaning environments also decreased their psychological wellbeing, often leading to feelings of sadness, helplessness, frustration, and stress (Alcorso, 1989, 1991).

The restricted free, or low fee, childcare services represented another major challenge for immigrant mothers (Alcorso, 1995a; D'Mello, 1982; Stone et al., 1996). As most recent immigrants in a geographically distant country, these Latin American women

did not have any family or social support networks to help them with domestic and childcare responsibilities. Although most women joined the labour force, like their husbands, family duties were still divided in a traditional way, women taking care of most domestic and childcare responsibilities (Amézquita et al., 1995). The only available time women had to pursue any educational (language or professional) training was after work. Although they were willing to upgrade their skills and to improve their labour and financial life, the lack of services supporting immigrant mothers represented a key limitation.

Most participants also experienced the limited family and social support in Australia. This phenomenon not only had a negative emotional impact but also limited immigrant women in many daily functions. Sources of social and family support are highly esteemed within the Latin American community, who is deeply rooted in family and friendship values (Amézquita et al., 1995; Bathum & Baumann, 2007; Leslie, 1992). The lack of social and family networks in the new country affected the overwhelming reality of participants with language struggles, perceived cultural differences and unsatisfactory labour conditions.

As indicated by other authors (e.g., Kuo & Tsai, 1986; Lin et al., 1999; Thoits, 1986; Vega et al., 1987), the reorganization of immigrants’ social life and the building of effective support networks is one of the major challenges individuals face as members of a new country. Most participants expressed feeling several levels of cultural distance with the Australian community. Twelve of thirteen participants were married to Latin Americans and identified other Latin American immigrants as their closest friends. In most cases, individuals from their own ethnic group populated immigrants’ closest social network. This

by some authors (Lopez et al., 2004; Noh & Avison, 1996; Noh et al., 1999; Thoits, 1986), indicating that complementarity and mutual empathy between needs and values are highly appreciated among immigrants. Among the participants, most tended to feel more affinity within their own ethnic groups, or with other immigrants, as they were perceived to experience similar life situations. This is an ambivalent finding, as many participants also told of discrimination experiences within their own ethnic groups. However, those who felt rejected by co-nationals for politic, economic or social reasons still tended to exchange to other Latin Americans with whom they were able to share values and the experiences associated to the immigration and acculturation process, rather than to Australians. This issue will be further discussed with the final results.

The lack of identification with the mainstream culture and the limited social exchange with its members is also related to experiences of perceived social and labour discrimination, often related to skin colour and ethnic background, language skills or accent. Women described not feeling completely accepted by the Australian community, although they had lived most part of their lives in the new country. Regardless on the effort immigrant women would put into their integration process, frequent questions by members from the mainstream society regarding their ethnic background, and the reasons to immigrate and to remain in Australia were felt as a constant reminder that they were accepted to stay, but were not considered local members of the broader society. This outcome was connected to the white Australian ideal and the dominant Anglo-Saxon culture, still impacting on the expectations and subjectivity of mainstreamers. Experiences of discrimination based on language skills, accent, ethnic background or colour were connected to the white Australian ideological past and had a strong impact on the perceived

cultural distances and the way immigrants and mainstreamers related. In fact, the perception of not being accepted as local members of the broader community was a significant finding across various investigations with minority groups in Australia (Colic- Peisker, 2002, 2005; Van Oudenhoven, 2006; Zevallos, 2004) and the way it impacted on Latin women’s acculturation processes will be further discussed within the findings’ section.

However, discrimination episodes were not restricted to relations with members from the Australian society, but also with other immigrants, including individuals from the same ethnic community. Participants also indicated being discriminated by other immigrants because of their English knowledge, accent or their economic/political background. Experiences of discrimination within their own community represented a major reason why many participants stopped participating in social/community clubs and felt even more isolated from any kind of social support network in Australia.

The gender factor compounded the challenges of the acculturation process. Although women’s place in society has undergone a major change since the 1970s, with their large incorporation to the labour market, advanced birth control methods, and the influence of feminist values, Latin American women are still under the influence of traditional family values (Amézquita et al., 1995; Iebra Aizpurúa, Jablonski, & Féres- Carneiro, 2007). This pushes women to an overcharged reality, juggling between paid work, domestic and childcare duties. Although women have gained many rights and social spaces in today’s world, their daily routines have become more complex, demanding and often conflictive (Darvishpour, 1999; Raijman & Semyonov, 1997). As observed in the

immigrant families have compounded the challenges encountered in Australia due to the accumulation of duties without any kind of support from family, friends or childcare services.

CHAPTER 9 CONCLUSION

The focus of the research was to understand how a group of Latin American immigrant women, living in Australia for an average of 31.5 years, experienced the immigration and acculturation processes. Special attention was given to the challenges and difficulties faced while adjusting to Australian life, and how the fact of being a Latin American woman impacted on their acculturation outcomes. The researcher sought to understand participants’ experiences and acculturation outcomes in a contextual way, analysing how the attitudes and responses from the Australian community impacted on this group of Latin Americans.