It seems that there are many ways to interpret the choice and reasons for Shas to use Sephardi and Torahni as their identity denominators and the content and meaning
78 Ovadia Yosef’s son, Itzhak Yosef, wrote Yalkut Yosef. 79 See chapter 7.1 for details.
embodied in this identity. I interpret this as a sign of Shas’ less strict and fixed religious identity and level of observance. The identity of Shas is more inclusive towards the individual Jew and more open to modernisation in terms of ideology and practical observance, than the more severe and isolationalistic identity of the Ashkenazi Haredim. It is also a result of a conscious choice to be different identity than the Ashkenazi Haredi identity.
Pride in Own Identity
In the perspective of the Israeli immigrant history, ‘Sephardi’, as opposed to ‘Mizrahi’, does not immediately give negative connotations in relation to the situation of the ethnic group in the state of Israel.81 It was the Middle Eastern immigrants to Israel who experienced discrimination and lived in ‘development towns’, towns strategically positioned on the borders and in the Negev desert and populated by the government with these immigrants. ‘Sephardi’, on the other hand, refers to so much more than this part of history. Sephardi is a long tradition of great Jewish scholars such as Maimonides, Nachmanides82 and Yosef Caro, and important works like the Cabbalistic book Zohar.83 The Sephardi identity and cultural connotations for Shas fulfils the role pointed out by Ernst Gellner (1991), of a local tradition compatible with the modern world that gives its adherents a feeling of dignity. This way Shas’ Sephardi identity represents a self-reform imposed in the name of their indigenous tradition and culture, to foster self-discipline and functionality in the modern Israeli society. Sephardi is in this context an identity filled with tradition and pride. According to Gellner (1991:285) “.. the drive towards self-discipline and self-reform can be imposed, not in the name of emulating the alien or in the name of a less than fully convincing idealisation of the local folk culture, but in the name of a genuine indigenous tradition, which at the same time has a kind of dignity and acceptability by the criteria of the modern world”. Moreover, according to Gellner, this reformed local tradition can have the same function as nationalism, namely to be the high culture of which the general culture of a modern society is made up of. This enables the lower strata of the population to both reject their ignorant past, to criticise technological
81 See Introduction for details on Mizrahi.
82 Also know under the Hebrew acronyms Rambam (Rabbi Moses Ben Maimon) and Ramban (Rabbi Moses
Ben Nahman). See Sachar 1994 Farewell Espania, The World of the Sephardi m Remembered for further reading.
leaders, and also to define themselves against foreigners. The reform of Sephardi identity and observance will be discussed below.
Illustration 4. A page in a pamphlet from Shas presenting great Sephardi scholars upon whom the spiritual leaders of Shas base their interpretations of Judaism. On the opposite page; the members of the Council of Torah Wise Men.
Creating Distance from Ashkenazi Institutions
To be Sephardi separates Shas from the Ashkenazi religious parties and organisations, a separation of importance to Shas for several reasons. First of all because they as Sephardim were discriminated against within the Ashkenazi Haredi communities, as described in chapter 4. This way the Sephardi identity can be seen as a response to the supremacy of the religious Ashkenazim in Israel up until the establishment of Shas. As such, the establishment of Shas is an effort to distinguish the Sephardi identity from the Ashkenazi customs and Halacha, through the line of thought and Halachic interpretation of Ovadia Yosef. This way the Sephardi identity is legitimised in that it gives a subdued group in society a cultural and religious tool-kit to use in the fight to achieve equality and self-respect.
The other consequence of separating themselves from the Ashkenazi Haredim is that the Sephardi identity can be presented as a modern alternative in which Jews can keep their religion and at the same time be part of the Israeli society. Itzhik Sudri illustrated this when
he said that being a Sephardi one could do the military, have a profession and keep the religion at the same time. This is very different from most Ashkenazi Haredim who refuse to serve in the military, and if they have a profession, only work within their religious communities. Shas’ institutions are opening up to less religious people, and by accustomising their identity to the surrounding society they acknowledge modernisation and the changing possibilities for, and demands on, the individual in a modern society.
Embracing Identity
Shas’ Sephardi identity has got another important consequence – it is inclusive, that is you do not have to be of any particular ethnic descent to be Sephardi, like Itzhik Sudri explained. As explained in the Introduction, the main criterion is to follow the Sephardi Halacha of Yosef Caro. If the main criterion had been to be Mizrahi, the ethnic identity of its constituency, it would not have been able to include supporters or returnees to observance of Ashkenazi or other ethnicities. A good example of this inclusive functionality is the Georgian Jews whom Itzhik Sudri describes as having an Ashkenazi mentality, yet he considers them as Sephardim because they follow Shulhan Aruch.84 As an example Itzhik Sudri mentions Itzhak Gagula, who is a Member of Knesset representing Shas even though he is from Georgia and therefore Ashkenazi by descent.
Tolerant and Open
Shas’ Sephardi religious identity is also open to individuals in terms of observance. All my informants from Shas stress that there is room for personal preferences on degree of observance. This implies that there are no fixed limits of how religious a person must be to be considered Sephardi. It seems that as long as one tries to live a life according to the Sephardi Halacha, everyone can be as traditional, religious or Ultra Orthodox as they choose and still be considered Sephardi. Also the Willis (1993) found, in his examination of Shas, that the Shas supporters have different individual identities in terms of political, religious and ethnic identity. This shows that there are many opportunities for individual preferences within Shas’ identity when is comes to individualisation and the definitions of identification. According to my informants, Shas is there to help people become more religious, but the Shas officials will not turn their backs on anyone who does not ascend to their own level of observance. In fact there does not seem to be an established level to determine who is on the outside and who is on the inside.
One of the reasons for this religious leniency can be that Shas does not operate with a fixed set of rules and regulations that determine a person's degree of religious devotion and commitment. Within the party Shas and the organisations associated with it, there thus seems to be a certain freedom of individual choice and preferences. Other examples of this, in addition to those mentioned above by Shas officials explaining the attitude of Shas, is the more personal case when Itzhik Sudri says to me that he does not consider himself Haredi. This he feels free to say even though he is being interviewed as Shas’ official spokesman in his office sitting underneath a photo of Ovadia Yosef.
Another example of what one might interpret as an acceptance of a personal degree of religious commitment and a flexible use of religious symbols is the way Shas officials dress. Itzhak Avidani would wear suits in discrete colours, as opposed to most other Shas officials who wore black suits. I never saw him wear the usual black hat. This is significant because it challenges the picture of the standardised Haredi official when it comes to appearance. A contrast is Itzhak Avidani’s assistant, who belongs to the Hassidic85 group
of Ashkenazi Haredim, and had long side curls, wore knee breaches and visible ritual fringes.86 To Ashkenazi Haredim, clothes regulations are part of their identity and their past oriented ideology that determines their dress code, which is similar to that of their forefathers in 17th and 18th century Europe. In contrast, to Shas officials, rules of modesty seemed to be the important point to follow.
This indicates the same relaxed attitude towards individual freedom and degree of commitment as Itzhik Sudri expressed above. It seems that as long as someone is ‘with’ them and not against them, it is of no great importance whether one is rigid or not when it comes to outward expressions of religious commitment.
5.5 Summing Up
As I said in chapter 2, the discussion of Shas’ Sephardi identity and its content will describe Shas’ relationship with individualisation, which is one of the ‘measures’ I use to examine Shas’ relationship with modernisation. As discussed above, the room for private opinions and the reality of no fixed level of observance to be accepted within Shas, together with its outreaching and embracing attitude towards all Jews of all descents, is
85 See chapter 4.1 about Haredic groups. I do not know why Itzhak Avidani chooses to have an assistant from
another Jewish religious and ethnic background than himself. He told me his assistant voted for and supported Shas.
86 His suit was the customary clothes of his group reminiscent of the 18th Century European style. The fringes
very different from the exclusive attitude of the Ashkenazi Haredim. Shas’ attitude signals that it accepts the individual and the fact that each individual situation is different. Through Shas’ religious courses it speaks to the individual Jew about responsibility for his or her observance of the Halacha, especially in relation to returnees to observance. In addition, Shas signalises an insight and interest in each of the individuals’ social situation by constructing an identity that gives the individual Sephardi Jew a feeling of pride and belonging to his or her roots. This feeling of pride is in contrast to the feelings of discrimination and inferiority many Sephardim felt in the Ashkenazi Haredi institutions and in the Israeli society in general.
Shas is not building an identity in reaction to modernisation, but as a result of modernisation and in reaction to other results of modernisation, namely secularisation and Haredism. This is demonstrated in the emphasis on the Sephardi tradition as indigenous and dignifying to the Sephardi Jews and to Israel. The focus on the individual indicates a furthering of modernisation. So does Shas’ focus and welfare institutions amongst Sephardim in Israel with focus on education and on the socio-economic progress of Middle Eastern Jews.
Shas’ relationship with the modern society of Israel is exemplified by the fact that almost all Shas’ officials did their military service and are proud of this. By adopting this secular status symbol, Shas is opening up to its surroundings and the surroundings of its individual supporters. What is more, Shas is creating an identity for the individual Israeli Jew that according to my informants is intended to be modern and Jewish. Shas is thereby furthering an identity religious identity for individual Jews in their surroundings influenced by modernisation, not an identity opposing these surroundings. This is different from most of the Ashkenazi Haredim who refuse to have any contact with the secular society and to who refuse to serve in the military.87
87 Because the Ashkenazi Haredi parties and movements have mostly Haredi supporters, and thus the
immediate surroundings of their individual supporters is not secular, the Ashkenazi Haredi institutions do not need to be engaged in the secular Israeli society in order to acknowledge the individual situation of their supporters.