6.4 NORMA UNE EN

Livestock comprises one of the main components of the subsistence production system of the village, because this forms a strong link in the flow of energy from forest or pasture, to farming and to the human diet. Livestock also put pressure on forest and land for feed (fodder, grass and grain) and for grazing facilities. It follows then that the viability of the village economy and the resource system is also dependent on the number and type of livestock and the system of managing them. But Gurungs’ access to cash income had helped to reduce their herd size, while for Brahmins and Chettris livestock continued to play an more important role in their subsistence production and as a source of cash income. These changes are discussed in this section.

1. Ownership of animals:

Almost all 199 households of the study area were found in 1988-89 to own a few animals even though the species and the number varied (see also Bjonness, 1980a and

1980b; Fox, 1987). Buffaloes, cows and goats were the common livestock. The average number of livestock owned per household of different ethnic groups is shown in Table 4.9.

The total number of livestock per household measured in terms of Livestock Units (LU) was found to be 6.30 for Brahmins, 3.75 for Gurungs, 4.33 for Chettris and 1.75 for the members of the Occupational Caste (Table 4.9). This clearly showed that Brahmins and Chettris owned more animals than members of other ethnic groups. Gurungs' ownership of animals was slightly more than half the number of animals owned by Brahmins. In the past, as discussed later, Gurungs used to keep more animals than Brahmins, but they reduced their herd size once they started receiving cash income from outside sources. Occupational Caste households owned a very small number of animals, almost one quarter the member of the average Brahmin household.

Table 4.9: Lachok-Riban study area: average number of livestock per household in 1989. E t h n i c G r o u p s Cows B u f f a l o e s O x e n Go a t s P o u l t r y LU* B r a h m i n 1.67 1.91 0.75 1.88 1.56 6.30 G u r u n g 0.86 1.39 0.26 0.59 2.32 3.75 C hettri 0.97 1.10 0.57 1.20 2.20 4.33 O c c u p .C a s t e 0.62 0.43 0.23 0.29 1.10 1.75 All h o u s e h o l d s 1.09 1.31 0.47 1.06 1.83 4.29

(*LU = Livestock Unit. Young animals were first converted into adult units depending upon their age, then they were converted into adult cow equivalents with the assignment of the following weight - 1.0 for cow and ox, 1.5 for buffalo, 0.6 for goat. Poultry was not included.) Source: Household survey data 1989-90.

Ownership of different species of animals was related to ethnicity and to the livelihood strategies adopted by different ethnic groups. Brahmins followed by Chettris owned a large proportion of cows and oxen. The cow was viewed as symbolic in Hindu religion and the ox was required for ploughing the land. As Brahmins were more inclined to religion, they kept more cows. But it seemed that not all Brahmin households owned a cow; about two-fifths of them did not own a cow at all (Table 4.10). At the end of the

1980s villagers often borrowed a cow for religious purposes; the animal was later returned to the owner with some gift in cash or in kind. This practice had certainly reduced the need for cows. Consequently, it had also helped in reducing pressure on forest for animal feed. But this has been an emerging practice which has arisen because of difficulties in keeping a large number of animals. Moreover, a degree of relaxation in religious practices has also meant that more and more people follow religious ceremonies as formalities, and thus are less inclined to keep cows when their retention is inconvenient. As a result, by mid-1994, the practice of borrowing cows for religious purpose had increased. Brahmin and Chettri households also required more oxen because they cultivated a large area of land in an intensive manner. Proportionately more cows were owned by members of the Occupational Caste than by the Gurungs. The reason was that cows, being less productive (in terms of milk production), were not preferred and as a way of disposing of some of them, were given to the Occupational Caste households to be raised on a share basis. If the value of such animal could be increased, these households were entitled to half the

incremental value.

Table 4.10: Lachok-Riban study area: percentage of households owning livestock in 1988-89. E t hnic G r o u p s Cows B u f f a l o e s O x e n Go a t s P o u l t r y B r a h m i n 61.3 72.6 72.6 75.8 40.3 G u r u n g 20.0 63.3 25.0 8.3 71.7 Chettri 35.0 57.5 47.5 42.5 55.0 Occup. caste 29.7 32.4 24.3 18.9 51.4

Source: Household survey data 1989-90.

As discussed at the beginning of this section, changes in the land use system of different ethnic groups, reflecting their differential access to off-farm income, were linked to their ownership of animals. This could be exemplified by the ownership of oxen. As they were required for ploughing, they were considered important to those households which

cultivated more land. Thus, the ownership of oxen also gave some indication of the importance attached to farming. About three-quarters of the Brahmin households in the study villages in 1989-90 owned one or more oxen, whereas only one quarter of the Gurung and Occupational Caste households owned an ox (Table 4.10). The size of the land holding was also related to the ownership of oxen in the case of Brahmins and

Chettris, but this relationship did not hold true for other ethnic groups. If this was the only criterion, more Gurung households would have owned oxen. Even though they had rented out a major portion of their land, the land area they cultivated was still similar in size to that of the Chettris. Proportionately, far more Chettris than Gurungs were found to own oxen. On the other hand, Gurungs were found to hire oxen from others to plough land, which they could afford to do because of their access to off-farm income. By hiring oxen they were relieved of the burden of maintaining oxen during the lean farming season.

Although Occupational Caste households did not have sufficiently large land holdings for maintaining an ox, a few of them still kept an ox in the late 1980s, available for hire.

Because of the further decline in landholding size due to increase in the household population, the practice of sharing oxen or exchanging them for labour had become common by 1988-89, and more so by mid-1994. The practice of hiring an ox, or oxen, was particularly advantageous for those households which did not cultivate a relatively larger land holding (less than approx. 10 ropani or 0.5 ha). This avoided the burden of keeping one large animal. As oxen were required only for ploughing, there was often no productive use of these animals during the lean farming season (Aug.-Dec. and Feb.-Apr.). Moreover, the need for animal power or oxen per household was declining due to the continuing decline in land-holding size. As a response to this, the sharing of oxen had become more common, particularly among households of Brahmins and Chettris. Two, three or four families with smaller land holdings (less than 10 ropani) jointly maintained an ox on a rotation basis. On the other hand, Gurungs preferred to hire animals on a daily basis. Most of the households having small land holdings were found exchanging their labour for animal power, and in such cases their farming decisions were also influenced by the decisions of the reciprocating households owning the oxen. The sharing of oxen required mutual understanding among the group members, often across caste lines, especially during the peak period for farming (June-July).

Another change in the role of livestock becoming increasingly evident in the early 1990s was the emphasis given by households to the production of milk for the market. Households, especially of the Brahmin and Chettri ethnic groups, which did not have access to cash income often raised buffaloes for milk production. Some families sold milk in local tea shops, but the market for milk was small in the village itself until the 1990s. Milk was also more difficult to carry by hand to Pokhara town. Instead, villagers turned milk into ghee which could be stored for a long time and could be easily transported relatively long distances. But with the completion of Pokhara-Baglung highway, marketing facilities for milk had strengthened by mid-1994. The walking distance to Pokhara had been reduced to 30 minutes after 1992, from 2 hours previously. As mentioned in Chapter 3, ghee marketing was also a source of cash income for a few households of the study area. Some households, especially Brahmins and Chettris, were found raising buffaloes with an aim of increasing their value. They raised small buffalo calves (aged about 1 to 2 years) until they started producing milk (aged about 4-5 years) which meant increase in the value of animals by 3-4 times their initial value. They sold these milch buffaloes to people residing near the town. Brahmin and Chettri households did this in order to earn off-farm income. Even though Gurungs also kept more buffaloes, they were not involved in trading milk or ghee, because they were less desperate to earn cash income from village sources. Only a few Gurung households at the end of the 1980s owned a cow. But each of the two wealthiest Gurung families kept a relatively large herd of cows - about 12 in each instance, with a man to look after each herd. The main reason for this practice was to maintain tradition, as wealthy Gurungs used to keep a larger number of these animals in the past.

role in the household economy, as well as in the environment of the village. Their impact on the environment depended much upon the way they were raised. If they were left to browse freely in the pasture, or the bush, then their effect was detrimental to regrowth. Goats were also becoming important as a source of cash income. In 1988-89

proportionately more Brahmin households (about 76 percent) kept goats (see Table 4.10), whereas only five Gurung households (about 8 per cent) were involved in goat-raising. The main explanation for this difference was that Gurung households were less desperate for locally-generated cash income, because of their access to off-farm income. On the other hand, most of the households of the study area raised a few chickens, but only two Occupational Caste households kept pigs, because these animals were considered profane by practising Hindus. The two Occupational Caste households involved with pigs were in Lachok, but not near Brahmin and Chettri families.

Fig. 4.10: Most of the Brahmin and Chettri households kept goats, mainly as a source of cash income. Even in the late 1980s, some households kept goats under a stall-feeding system. The small room at the back was used as a goat-pen, particularly at night. The practice of goat raising for cash income had become common by mid-1994 and more and more households by then kept their goats under a stall-feeding system (Begnas, Pokhara, June 1987).

2. Off-farm work and Wfesiot-Vc •Hvc

The evidence given below suggested that^population of animals had decreased in the study area since the 1940s,but there was a wide variation in the extent of decline between ethnic groups, because of differences in their livelihood strategies. As the animals were generally kept for private profitability (Shrestha, 1984; Shrestha and Evans, 1984), changes m the sources of income ultimately affected their numbers.

The number of animals had declined drastically in the Gurung village (Riban) after the 1940s. About 50 years ago, in the early 1940s, the Gurungs of Riban were said to keep a considerable number of cattle, buffaloes, and goats. A rough estimation made by older citizens of the village in 1990 indicated that the number of these animals per household declined by 50-75 per cent in the previous 50 years. In addition to cattle, buffaloes and goats, most Gurung households formerly kept sheep, but at the end of the 1980s only one household was found to have maintained that tradition. In 1988/89 that one Gurung household had 300 sheep.

The main objective of Gurungs in keeping sheep in the past was to generate income, both cash and kind. As Gurungs were engaged in making blankets and other woollen clothes (Chapter 3), sheep were also needed for the supply of wool. When their income, particularly cash income, began to increase during and after the 1940s, they slowly

abandoned the practice of raising sheep. Even until the late 1960s, there were six flocks of sheep, each consisting of approximately 600-700 sheep and each of these flocks managed jointly by 2-4 households. Gurungs in Riban said in 1990 that they had as many as 12-15 flocks of sheep about 70-80 years ago. These sheep were raised on a transhumance basis, with the flocks being shifted to various altitudes in accordance with changes in the seasons. The only remaining flock in Riban in 1990 was also raised on a transhumance basis (see Fig 4.11 for the movements of sheep from one location to another according to seasonal changes). The owner of this sheep flock was a retired British army man, but his brother who did not go to the army was managing it in 1990.

There had also been changes in the number and management practices of other animals, again reflecting Gurung households' access to outside income. In the past, until 40-50 years ago, almost every household was said to have had a herd of animals, each consisting of 10-20 cows and 10-15 buffaloes, and some were managed jointly by two or three families. They used to take cows and buffaloes up to an altitude of 2,800-3,100 m during the summer season. In this process of moving the animals, shepherds made temporary sheds for the animals, as well as for themselves. At the time of field research in 1989-90, only seven households were found to have maintained a herd of animals on a

transhumance basis. The distance of animal movement had also been reduced. At the end of the 1980s they were confined to the area near the village and the transhumance system was no longer necessary. Labour withdrawal from the village, reflecting employment outside the village, and higher returns on labour, could be seen to be closely linked to abandonment of the former system.

The decline in the number of cattle and buffaloes, in particular, in the Gurung village (Riban) could not be quantified in the same way, in the absence of data. But an attempt was made to compare the situation in 1988-89 of the study area with that of Mohoriya, another Gurung village in the western middle hills region where a study was conducted in the late 1950s (Pignede, 1966). Since Mohoriya was similar to Riban in many respects (particularly in terms of involvement in army service, past economic life, altitude, access to forest and land), the animal ownership per household as recorded by Pignede in 1958 (Pignede, 1966) was taken as a guide to the livestock ownership in Riban in that year (Table 4.11). This comparison was made only to provide some insight into the direction of change in the ownership of animals. It can be seen in the Table 4.11 that there had been a reduction in the total number of all livestock species, except the buffalo. The reduction in the population of oxen was indicative of two points; first, the need for oxen had been reduced because of the changes, as discussed in previous section, in the land utilisation pattern; and secondly, off-farm income enabled them to hire oxen whenever they needed them. Goats were generally kept by those households which did not have other alternative sources of cash income. The increase in the number of buffaloes indicated that the Gurungs in 1988-89 gave priority to milk production for consumption.

A Macchapuchare 23,077 ft Ramkharka August 6 days walk September 5 days walk October P i p a days walk A Kor chong

/

t

December _{1 day walk}

February j • Riban

January

Fig. 4.1 l: The transhumance system o f raising sheep as followed by the Gurungs o f the study area (Riban) in the past, about 50 years ago. Sheep used to be moved from lower to higher altitudes and vice-versa according to the season. During the summer season (June- August) sheep were taken as high as 5,600 m and during winter (December-February) they were brought down to the village at 1,900 m (Source: A shepherd involved in this

transhumance system o f raising animals, pers. comm. Riban village, 1990). By m id -1994 no household o f Riban was involved in raising sheep.

Table 4.1 1: Riban and Mohoriya: total livestock, all ages, per household. A n i m a l s Riban, 1989* Mohoriya, 1958** Cows 0.86 2.27 Buf f a l o e s 1.39 1.05 Oxen 0.26 0 . 68 Goats 0.59 1.47

Source: *Household survey data 1989-90 ** Pignede (1966)

Even though quantification of changes in the number of various livestock species was not possible for Lachok (Brahmin and Chettri households), it appeared from discussion with villagers that there had not been a drastic reduction in the total number of animals: there had been a slight reduction in the number of cows and an increase in the number of goats. Because of their increased need for cash income, Brahmins and Chettris often kept more goats in 1988-89 than in the more distant past. The number of oxen had not been reduced to a large extent, because they were required for ploughing. Since Brahmins and Chettris depended heavily on farming for their household income, they required more animals. This was the main reason for the slow rate of decline in the number of animals in Lachok, compared with the more drastic reduction in Riban.

Brahmin and Chettri respondents to the household survey conducted in the study area in 1988-89 were more concerned about the problem of animal feed and they were also found to have grown more trees to provide fodder on their private land. They had also begun to purchase grass or fodder trees, mainly from Gurungs, in 1989: 12 Brahmin families of Lachok rented a total of about 2 ha grassland from Gurungs. They were also able to meet part of their animal feed requirements from common land. But despite problems of animal feed, Brahmins and Chettris had not reduced their livestock numbers significantly, because of the importance of animals to their farming system, and thus to their household economy.

Apart from changes in the numbers of animals there had also been major changes in the