OBJECTIUS

The process of integrating Georgia's national minorities into Georgian society gained new momentum in the aftermath of the Rose Revolution in late 2003. By looking closely into the dynamics of state society relations in the regions in which the two most numerous national minorities―the Armenian and the Azeri minorities―are concentrated we can see that the integration process has had both positive and negative consequences. On the positive side, the government has made a real effort to end the isolation of geographically concentrated minority communities, both by taking positive steps to improve the infrastructure―a case in point is the rehabilitation of roads and school buildings in Javakheti―and by making a genuine effort to improve proficiency in the Georgian language amongst remote minority communities. On the other hand, the government has done little to overcome the predominantly authoritarian dynamic that defines state-society relations in Kvemo Kartli and Samtskhe-Javakheti and has failed to introduce real methods of participatory democracy. In Javakheti, the government continues the policy of the Shevardnadze administration of co- opting wealthy and influential members of the Armenian community to administer the region and supports efforts by this elite to undermine all public movements that threaten its continued hegemony. In Kvemo Kartli, the local Azeri community remains virtually unrepresented in local power structure.

Given the complicated relationship with Russia, the Georgian government is rightly concerned that circles closely connected with the Russian government may exploit existing ethnic divisions to further undermine the territorial integrity of Georgia. In the aftermath of the August 2008 war between Georgia and Russia it is not surprising that these potential

75 _{Association for Civil Society Development in Azerbaijan News Portal, "Placing of crosses in Azerbaijani}

villages of Georgia suspended" (4 February 2009) at http://avciya.az/eng/2009/02/04/placing-of-crosses-in- azerbaijani.html.

threats are taken seriously. However, the tendency to treat any grassroots movement organized by members of national minorities with suspicion may be counterproductive as it may encourage hitherto more moderate groups to adopt a radical stance. Similarly, while the increased presence of the state security forces in regions such as Tsalka in which the lack of state regulation earlier exacerbated conflict may be timely, in other regions the dominance of structures of law enforcement and state security may provoke fear and suspicion amongst minority communities.

In the long run, minority communities will be encouraged to integrate into Georgian public life if there are real incentives to learn the state language and to continue to live and work in Georgia. This requires a sensitive approach that tackles a number of issues at the same time. First there is a need to provide effective and well-organized training in the Georgian language that adopts the most effective methodologies and operates in a realistic time frame. Second, it requires an education policy that encourages the most capable young people to remain in the country and study in Georgian institutions of higher education. Third it requires an economic policy that creates genuine job opportunities beyond the capital city that will benefit both rural Georgians and members of national minorities alike. Finally, it requires the establishment of genuinely democratic procedures at local level that allow members of national minorities to participate in the way they are governed. Recent efforts by the Georgian government to improve instruction in Georgian, to improve the rural infrastructure and to reform local self-government are welcome, but further steps in this direction need to be taken.

Bibliography

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