Objetivos específicos

Philosophy is not the owl of Minerva that takes flight after history has been realized in order to celebrate its happy ending; rather, philosophy is subjective proposition, desire, and praxis that are applied to the event.

- Hardt and Negri (2000/2009: 48-49)

Introduction

Ethics is often considered the basis of politics. For instance, social contract theory views the establishment of the political realm as the result of a consensus reached by the future members of society. However, this theoretical view presupposes that ethical decisions can take place in an apolitical sphere that exists prior to the formation of any social alliance. Conversely, this conception of the relationship between ethics and politics fails to realize that ethical decisions are always made within a political configuration that predetermines the range of conceivable, imaginable and viable alternatives. If we ask the classical Kantian question of ethics, “What shall I do?”, this question is always formulated within a specific social arrangement that constitutes different modes of existence and modalities of being, leading us to think about the nature of the good deed in a specific manner. Contrary to the orthodox view that

THE POLITICAL ONTOLOGY OF POST-BUREACRACY

ethics grounds politics, we should rather consider that it is politics that is the basis of ethics, because every ethical decision takes place within a political sphere.

While one might pursue this line of argument, Deleuze and Guattari offer a much more radical thesis. According to them, not only does politics precede ethics, but ‘politics precedes being’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1970/1987: 203). What Deleuze and Guattari allude to here is that ontology, understood as the basic determination of the structure of being, cannot simply be taken as foundational to politics, because the formation of an ontological order is in itself the expression of a political constellation. Therefore, no ontological foundation can provide a definitive basis for politics, because every determination of being already contains an intrinsic political dimension. Consequently, Deleuze and Guattari turn ontology itself into a political problem, opening up what Patton calls ‘political ontology’ (2000: 9). Following this line of thought, politics is not only tied to a distribution of power and coordination of interests, but also involves a concern for how ontology is produced. The radical implication of this view is that every determination of being must be conceived as a political configuration.

Platonism can serve as an example. As we saw in Chapter 4, the categorization of being into a metaphysical hierarchy consisting of the transcendent ‘model’ (Idea), the ‘thing’ (authentic claimant), and the simulacrum (inauthentic claimant) provides the basis for passing normative judgement. While the authentic claimant is deemed ‘good’ by virtue of its resemblance to the model, the simulacrum is dismissed as a ‘bad’ due to its lack of resemblance. The metaphysical hierarchy of Platonism represents a political configuration that enables us to make value-laden judgements. As I have previously argued, this Platonic logic is pertinent to the concept of authentic leadership. The figure of the

THE POLITICAL ONTOLOGY OF POST-BUREACRACY

authentic leader is considered the good leader because he or she is faithful to the model of the ‘moral compass’ (George, 2003). In sharp contrast, the inauthentic leader is the bad leader, or unworthy of the title of a leader at all, since he or she betrays the core values in favour of self- interest. The categorization of leaders according to their degrees of authenticity, therefore, implies a political logic that provides the basis for making moral assessments.

We can also find a political logic at work in the post-bureaucratic concepts of management innovation and entrepreneurship. These concepts convey different modes of existence and modalities of being, expressed through the psychosocial types of the creative manager and the entrepreneur, which define the basis for conducting moral evaluations. For instance, the figure of the creative manager is characterized by his or her desire to produce new modes of organization and to depart from the orthodox management paradigm. The concept of management innovation divides the organizational landscape into a normative distinction between the ‘poisonous’ traditional modes of management and the ‘cure’ for this poison, which is to produce radically new modes of management that spark creativity, change and innovation within the organization (Hamel, 2007). As for the figure of the entrepreneur, we found a tension between the desire to transgress boundaries and the desire to ‘overcome oneself’ (transgression) and to ‘be oneself’ (authenticity).

By evoking the concepts of the pharmakon, the simulacrum and fantasy in response to the respective problems raised by the figures of the creative manager, the authentic leader and the entrepreneur, this thesis has engaged with the post-bureaucratic image of thought in an attempt to destabilize its structure and invent alternative conceptual personas. Herein lies the political significance of Deleuze and Guattari’s

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(1991/1994) conception of philosophy as the vocation of creating concepts in response to problems (Patton, 2000). What philosophy can do, according to Deleuze and Guattari, is to intervene in our modes of existence by creating paradoxical concepts that subvert, destabilize and contravene our habitual logic of reasoning, thereby setting the scene for imagining alternative ways of thinking. According to Deleuze and Guattari (1991/1994), philosophy evolves not only by creating totally new concepts but also by reinventing old concepts in response to new problems. Therefore, according to Patton, the value of concepts is ‘determined by the use to which they can be put, outside as well as within philosophy’ (2000: 6).

By means of staging encounters with Gary Hamel’s popular management handbook The Future of Management, Bill George’s semi- autobiographic self-help tome Authentic Leadership and Richard Branson’s autobiography Losing My Virginity, this thesis has generated three conceptual personas. These conceptual personas challenge the common sense portrayal of the psychosocial types of the creative manager, authentic leader and the entrepreneur. Instead of committing to a sequential procedure to reinvent management, the conceptual persona of the deconstructive creative manager paradoxically views the conditions of impossibility for invention as the conditions of possibility for invention. Instead of remaining true to his/her ‘inner values’, the conceptual persona of the reversed authentic leader questions the value of being faithful to core values. Instead of representing a heroic figure, the conceptual persona of the traversed entrepreneur reveals the circular and impossible structures of desire represented by the logics of transgression and authenticity.

These conceptual personas of the deconstructive creative manager, reversed authentic leader and the traversed entrepreneur should not be

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considered external to post-bureaucratic management thinking. To the contrary, these conceptual personas reflect three internal subversions within the post-bureaucratic image of thought that allow us to reconceptualise the figures of the creative manager, the authentic leader and the entrepreneur. Consequently, this thesis has strived toward an immanent reversal of the post-bureaucratic image of thought by exploring the paradoxes, aporias and impossibilities that confront the figures of the creative manager, the authentic leader and the entrepreneur. In this way, this thesis has not only provided a diagnosis of the figures of the creative manager, the authentic leader and the entrepreneur, but also ‘intervene[d] in the world by rearranging its symptoms in thought’ (Raastrup Kristensen et al., 2008: 2, original italics).

In this chapter, we will look further into the ways we can use the concepts of Derrida, Deleuze and Zizek to subvert, destabilize and contravene the political ontology of the post-bureaucratic image of thought. The aim of this chapter is not to situate the model of the post- bureaucratic organization within a broader neo-liberal structure. While it is evident that post-bureaucratic management belongs to what Dean calls the ‘neoliberal regimes and rationalities of government’ (2014: 159), we should recognize that the managerial concepts and psychosocial types populating the post-bureaucratic image of thought contain their own immanent political logic. In order to explore this political logic, I will show how the theoretical tension between Derrida, Deleuze and Zizek (see Buchanan, 2011; Patton and Protevi, 2003) can cast a different light on the figures of the creative manager, authentic leader and the entrepreneur.

Up to this point, the figures of the creative manager, authentic leader and the entrepreneur have been investigated from three different

THE POLITICAL ONTOLOGY OF POST-BUREACRACY

perspectives. But what happens if we allow the philosophical differences between Derrida, Deleuze and Zizek to play out in relation to the figures of the creative manager, authentic leader and the entrepreneur? How does the deconstruction of the creative manager relate to the immanent reversal of the authentic leader? In what way does Deleuze’s view on the creative force of being influence Derrida’s emphasis on the impossibility of invention? And will the traversal of the fantasy of the entrepreneur be affected by Deleuze’s emphasis on the productive nature of desire?

Derrida, Deleuze and Zizek are often viewed as representatives of incommensurable theoretical positions. Establishing such categorical divisions, however, denies the fact that Derrida, Deleuze and Zizek borrow considerably from each other and that their philosophical positions are intimately linked. Therefore, we should recognize that one reason that there is a strong urge to divorce Derrida, Deleuze and Zizek is precisely because they owe so much to each other. Yet, we should also acknowledge that there are substantial theoretical tensions between Derrida, Deleuze and Zizek and be aware of how their ideas suggest conflicting views on certain questions. In this chapter, my aim is neither to contrast Derrida, Deleuze and Zizek to each other nor to establish a harmonious constellation between them. Instead, my aim is to show how we can profit intellectually from combining Derrida, Deleuze and Zizek (see Patton, 1996, 2003; Sørensen, 2004). In effect, this chapter preserves the differences between Derrida, Deleuze and Zizek while simultaneously mobilizing their concepts for the shared purpose of inverting the post-bureaucratic image of thought. My goal is therefore to think with Derrida AND Deleuze AND Zizek (Styhre, 2002).

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