DEL OBJETO, FUNCIONES Y ESTRUCTURA DEL CENTRO DE PROFESIONALIZACIÓN Artículo 192. Objeto y función general

A lesson from the deep

There are at least dozens of early medieval sites in Europe on which hundreds of touchstones have been found (for examples, see Ježek 2013b). However, assemblages of analysed touchstones comparable in size to that from the Birka burials are only available from a couple of sites:56 _{the castle on Ostrów}

Lednicki island in Lake Lednica, and a cemetery on the shore of this lake at Dziekanowice, Greater Poland (Fig. 37). The lake is situated mid-way between the two most important sites of the First Piasts’ domain: Poznań, the secular capital (c. 30 km), and Gniezno, the ecclesiastical capital.

An imposing castle was built on the island in the second half of the tenth century with a church and baptistry; these could be reached over two wooden bridges, 450 m and 200 m in length, with a width of 4-4.5 m (Wilke 2014a). A palace with a chapel was later added to the island complex. These works are justifiably attributed to the Polish rulers of the period – the Piast dynasty. Settlements formed at the entrances to both bridges on the mainland shore of Lake Lednica. The castle was destroyed in the mid-eleventh century and rebuilt a short time after (Sankiewicz 2013, 26-27, with refs.). The settlement at the eastern bridge entrance was also rebuilt, although not to its original size; part of the former settlement area was covered with burials. This cemetery was used at least until the thirteenth century, when the island lost its function as a royal castle. As of 2014, a total of 1,585 inhumation graves (six of which were chamber graves), containing the remains of c. 1,650 individuals, has been documented at the site. Among these graves, 847 were furnished with some type of grave-good, most of which were very simple (Wrzesińska & Wrzesiński 2014, 201-202). A smaller cemetery was also located in the central part of the island. However, one of the most significant discoveries made at Lake Lednica came from an investigation of the lake bed.

Two tenth- or eleventh-century swords were found during the underwater investigation of the remains of the eastern bridge; their inscriptions claim that both originate from the ‘Ulfberht’ workshop in the Rhineland (Głosek & Kirpičnikov 2000); nearly 60 axes, 2 bow fragments and 3-4 arrow fragments, 7-10 spears or fragments (one tipped with silver inlay) and 6 pieces of riding

56 For additional examples of analytically confirmed touchstones from the Slavic part of early medieval Europe, see Ježek 2013a; 2013b; Ježek & Zavřel 2010; 2011; 2013; Ježek et al. 2010; 2013.

equipment were also discovered. Supporters of the theory that these finds represent the remains of local battles suggest that some of the axes could have been dropped by workers during the construction of the bridge, but that most of the military artefacts ended up in the lake during assumed armed clashes (e.g. Tokarski 2000; Wilke 2006, 444). At the same time, G. Wilke (2006, 447) justifiably rejects the notion that the axes were lost during the bridge construction. Moreover, four of the axes date to the Late Middle Ages. Several early medieval axes were found at the entrance to the bridge on the island itself (Sankiewicz & Wyrwa (eds.) 2013), and the question remains as to whether they would have remained as unnoticed remnants of fighting during the subsequent centuries of the island’s use. The bottom of the lake along the line of the eastern bridge also produced over 90 pieces of agricultural implement,

Fig. 37. Lednica Lake, Greater Poland: (1) early medieval castle on Ostrów Lednicki, with two bridges; (2) the cemetery near Dziekanowice; (3) east- ern suburb. (Compiled by F. Laval, based on Wrzesińscy 1992, fig. 1, and Wilke 2014a, fig. 3).

125 a lesson from the deep

as well as over 150 other artefacts, including eight ‘whetstones’ (Szulta 2000)57

and one small iron ‘Silesian type’ bowl, linked to elite environments (Rzeźnik 2006, with refs.). Other finds include 24 spindle whorls, 4 weaving swords and other items for textile production, dozens of kitchen items, keys (Grupa 2000), a helmet, etc. (the list is quite extensive: see Kurnatowska (ed.) 2000).

A different situation was discovered on the west side of the island. Axes and spears were also found along the line of the bridge, especially close to the shore of the island. However, more finds were scattered on the bottom of the lake, in a 25-70 m belt along the entire western shore of the island (for the axes, see Sankiewicz 2013, fig. 4). Four swords were found at a distance of 3-50 m from the shore. G. Wilke (2006, 446-448) therefore considers the possibility of battles on boats or rafts. Whereas the vast majority of the c. 80 swords and two battle hammers date to the period between the second half of the tenth and first half of the eleventh century, at least four swords are from the Late Middle Ages (Sankiewicz & Wyrwa (eds.) 2013), including the fourteenth century (Głosek 2014a, 77-78). M. Głosek (2014b) points to similar finds from lakes or rivers in Poland, and elsewhere, without comment. Of the 51 spear or javelin heads found to the west of the shore of the Lednica island, two are inlaid with silver, and one with silver and gold (Wilke 2014b). G. Wilke mentions a ritual hoard, containing c. 225 spears and many other weapons in Gudingsåkrarna fen at Vallstena, Gotland (see Müller-Wille 1999; Thunmark-Nylén 2006, 460-464), but this does not alter his conviction that the finds represent the remains of a battle on Lake Lednica. These three special spearheads were found at a distance of 10-30 m from the shore (Wilke 2006, 447). The inventory of military artefacts from the water west of the island is completed by four arrowheads (and one quarrel head) and a single piece of solid armour (Kola & Wilke (eds.) 2014). Two of the four stirrups found along the line of the bridge have silver and copper inlays; of the three spurs discovered, one is inlaid with silver, and another is plated with copper. The rest of the assemblage of riding equipment is composed of eight snaffles and only two horseshoes (Kaźmierczak 2014). If random losses are considered as an explanation for these artefacts, the representation of ostentatious riding equipment is striking. Their connection with military events is rather unlikely. The problem of nine ploughs, 14 sickles and additional agricultural equipment, a fully intact upper millstone (quern- stone), craft tools, vessels and other artefacts will be set aside. Nevertheless, the discovery of four small bowls of the Silesian type, a pair of pans from a balance and seven weights (Baran 2014, 180, 184-185), and especially of two ‘whetstones’ (Radka 2014, 162, pl. XX: 13, 15), in fact typical touchstones, should be emphasised.

The small number of arrowheads (eight at the most) and armour (two items) found is apparent (see Wilke 2006, 448, who even attempts to explain

57 Among the river finds in north-eastern Germany (Slavic in the Early Middle Ages), J. Anders (2013, 79) has recorded over 100 ‘whetstones’, found mostly during earthworks with heavy machinery, i.e. without any chance for their dating. The stone artefacts, sometimes featuring a hole, are mostly 7-13 cm in length; the largest specimen is 31 cm long. The same rivers have also produced other finds, including numerous weapons.

the absence of metal parts of shields), as is the fact that the vast majority of weapons found beneath the central part of the eastern bridge were located 4-10 m from its sides (Wilke 2006, 446), even if the romantic notion of hand- to-hand combat for every metre of the bridge (see Wilke 2014b, fig. 15) is abandoned. After all, the bridge could easily have been cut off in the face of imminent battle. Potential defenders would certainly not have been surprised by the sight of an attacking army on the opposite shore. Burnt fragments of the submerged parts of both bridges testify to fires at the site, which G. Wilke (2006, 444) tries to connect with traces of fire on the axe-handles. However, it is not clear why defenders (or perhaps the raiders) would have burnt the bridge only after the attack; or did the axe-handles begin to burn while still in the hands of the raiders or defenders?

In summary, according to existing interpretations, the finds from the bottom of Lake Lednica can be divided into two main groups: (a) artefacts that found their way into the lake by chance, or as waste; and (b) militaria, including special objects, which fell into the water during assumed battles (Wilke 2006). However, in the light of other sites with evidence of demonstrably symbolic activity manifested in underwater finds of both valuable and common artefacts (see above), it would be negligent not to raise a similar question in this case. After all, it is difficult to imagine a more suitable setting for events that were neither random nor even private, than the lake surrounding the castle of the rulers of Poland. These manifestations definitely need not have been related to military events. The finds from the bottom of Lake Lednica do not make the site exceptional in the wider European context, especially when the anticipated raids – connected in this case to the military campaign of the Bohemian prince in 1039, concerning which the defenders of Ostrów Lednicki must have had fresh news and enough time to take defensive action – are not mentioned in any written sources (which document in detail the Bohemian campaign as it culminated with the theft of the relics of St. Adalbert in Gniezno).

Lednica Lake is clearly not the only lake in early medieval Poland over which the fog of symbolic/ritual activities hangs. From those which have been investigated by underwater archaeologists (Chudziak et al. 2011), we can select, for illustrative purpose, three lake bottoms near fortresses built on peninsulas. Miejske Lake (Pszczew, Woj. Lubuskie) produced three swords, one with the inscription ‘Vlfberth’, a dagger, an axe, a spur, a ‘Silesian type’ bowl and other artefacts. Seven axes, a lance and a bronze bowl were found in Steklin Lake (Niedźwiedź, Woj. Kujawsko-Pomorskie), while 18 axes, three spears and other artefacts were retrieved from Zarańskie Lake (Żółte, West Pomeranian Voivodeship). Finds regarded as ‘whetstones were the most numerously represented category of stone artefact discovered at Żółte. A total of 31 items of this type were recorded’, including elegant oblong specimens with a hole in one end (Chudziak & Kaźmierczak (eds.) 2014, 178, fig. 6.64, 6.65): ‘Most of the whetstones […] were discovered in underwater contexts associated with the construction and use of shoreline timber structures dated to the 11th _century’.

Did carpenters sharpen their axes during their work several times a day on whetstones mere centimeters in length? In any case, balances, 27 weights and

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a ‘Silesian type’ bowl from this lake (Chudziak & Kaźmierczak (eds.) 2014, 273-278, fig. 6.140-142) also form typical components of the inventory of such sites. On the basis of additional finds that have been made at the last mentioned site, there is no doubt about its ritual role in the eleventh and/or twelfth centuries; the Scandinavian-insular style of decoration of numerous wooden finds is hardly surprising (Chudziak & Kaźmierczak 2013; Chudziak & Kaźmierczak (eds.) 2014, 449-450).

The environment of the Elbe Slavs has also yielded weapons from the bottom of rivers, lakes and wells, although most of the finds of military gear have been made during the recent dredging of river beds. While a few doubt their intentional deposition (cf. Ulrich 2008), references to clearly ritual (Viking and other) hoards in waters or wetlands typically only serve as an obligatory reminder of the scope of interpretative possibilities. Fortunately, in her work on river finds in ‘Germania Slavica’, J. Anders (2013) has taken this topic seriously. The early medieval weapons, including special weapons, extracted from rivers and lakes in north-eastern Germany number in the hundreds, and she aptly sums up the interpretative possibilities offered by these and other finds (Anders 2013, 130-147, with numerous refs.). A balance pan was found along the path of the bridge to the island fortress at Plauer See (Mecklenburg- Vorpommern: Bleile 2008, 94-97). Archaeologists in Bavaria (Scholz 2007), Croatia, Hungary, Slovakia (Husár  2016), Slovenia and elsewhere face a similar problem, with the Ljubljanica River having produced over 10,000 finds ranging from the Bronze Age to the Middle Ages, including numerous weapons (Gaspari 2003; 2004; Turk et al. (eds.) 2009).

Of the many famous as well as lesser known sites which have provided evidence of ritual or votive behaviour of ancient Europeans, let us choose the most famous one. Hundreds of weapons from La Tène (Switzerland) represent only a part of the finds from the bottom of the river flowing into the Neuenburgersee Lake; women’s jewellery is practically absent here. Current interpretations consider also the idea of the original position of these finds on a bridge across the river; the hanging of trophies is suggested (illustrated in Müller & Lüscher 2004, 146). A less numerous but similar spectrum of finds was recovered using dredger blades at the nearby, somewhat younger, site of Corneaux. Examples of Polish lakes, the bottom of which have yielded weapons at considerable distances from the preserved remains of medieval bridges, show that (interpretative) pathways leading across bridges cannot be relied upon even in the case of the eponymous La Tène site or other sites with this chronological classification. In any case, practices of the Iron Age had been long forgotten in early medieval central Europe (including Switzerland), unlike in the Baltic areas (including Greater Poland).

Finds of early medieval weapons, agricultural tools, etc., from northern European lakes, the names of which alone often indicate their ancient ritual role (e.g. Lund 2008, 58-62, for Scania), are not the only reason for our concerns over the accuracy of existing interpretations of the results of the underwater excavation in Lake Lednica. Inland bodies of water in countries on the Baltic Sea, including wells, springs, etc., have also produced numerous bronze and

brass bowls from the tenth to thirteenth centuries. While such finds have also occurred in other countries, including Italy, England and Finland, the highest numbers come from Germany and Denmark (Müller 2006, 215-222; Biermann 2006, 391, for the area of the Elbe River Slavs). Two bowls found at the bottom of Lake Lednica (Górecki 2000, 394-395) are an exception in south-west Poland, as is also the case with two bowls from two male graves in the nearby cemetery at Dziekanowice (Wrzesińska & Wrzesiński 2000; 2002; for c. 30 grave finds from – mostly the northern part of – Poland, see Janowski & Kurasiński 2003). These bowls intended for hand-washing had already had, when in use, a privileged place in the environment of the north-west Slavic elite and are therefore a sensitive symbol in the archaeological record. In the territory of western Slavs (with virtually the same language and material culture during the tenth to thirteenth centuries) living south of the Krkonoše (Riesengebirge) Mountains, not a single bronze/brass bowl has been found in water or in a grave. As is the case with western Slavs living north of these mountains, i.e. outside the territory of the Holy Rome Empire, the northern part of Europe has also produced numerous burial finds of these bowls, including (e.g.) 12 graves at Birka, 7 at Hedeby, 17 at Grötlingbo (Gotland), 10 at Wetrovo and 13 at Ircekapinis58 _{(both near Kaliningrad; Müller 2006, with refs.). Hoards}

containing dozens of bowls (up to 65) in Estonia clearly belong in a ritual context (Müller 2006, 326-328). The concentration of Viking Age jewellery on Hiddensee Island (Armbruster & Eilbracht 2010) and, for example, the hundreds of weapons from Gudingsåkrarna fen on Gotland (Thunmark-Nylén 2006, 460-464), indicate that islands were also favoured for ritual acts (see, comprehensively, Müller-Wille 1999; Bradley 2016).

The large assemblages of weapons and other military gear from the south Scandinavian marshes of the third and fourth centuries AD, including Illerup Ådal, Vimose on Funen, Nydam Mose (Denmark) or Thorsberger Moor (Germany), are of a different type. If the general opinion is correct that the booty was ‘drowned’ after a battle, then the causes of such acts were not votive in nature, and it would be possible also to polemicise about expanded formulations regarding sacrificed (or, better, discarded?) objects. Several typical stone artefacts, and even identified touchstones, appear among them (Bemmann & Bemmann 1998, 213; Blankenfeldt 2015, 184-190, with additional examples, 411, pls. 41, 42; von Carnap-Bornheim & Ilkjær 1996, 376-377; Ilkjær 2002, 118-120; Rau 2010, 411-416,59 _{with additional examples). Of course, these}

stone artefacts in fact found their way into the lakes unintentionally, strictly speaking, as part of the contents of a bag or as separate belt appendages thrown into the water as a whole.

58 Where 15 graves furnished with a balance and/or weights and at least seven graves with ‘whetstones’ were discovered (Steuer 1997, 362, 376, 381, 382). Many such graves have been excavated in the Baltic region (see Steuer 1997).

59 With reference to the differing level of the layers containing a typical stone artefact and a sharpening iron at Nydam Mose, the author challenges his own opinion regarding the ‘undeniable connection’ between these finds (Rau 2010, fig. 176).

129 a lesson from the deep

The assemblage of over 500 artefacts from the period between the third and fifth centuries AD, from Lake Nidajno in Masuria, Poland, is composed exclusively of military gear and parts of belts, some with silver, gold and/or enamel elements, including a sword plated with finely decorated gold forging, and the silver and gold figurine of a vulture interpreted as an emblem of a war band or kinship group (Nowakiewicz & Rzeszotarska-Nowakiewicz 2012). Lake Käringsjön (south-western Sweden) is an example of a similar ritual site from the same period (Carlie 1998). Later, the number and size of north- European wetland deposits decrease, but they do not disappear (see Zachrisson 2004). Skedemosse on Öland, with sacrifices dating from the fifth to tenth centuries, may serve as an example (Hagberg 1967). Touchstone candidates occur in the metal hoards from East Baltic regions of the first millennium AD (e.g. Oras 2015, 280, 328).

Fortunately, it is not our aim to resolve the vexed issue of the reason for the occurrence of the medieval weapons and other items on the bottom of Lake Lednica. By the time the late medieval axes from the assemblage fell to the bottom of the lake, the bridges were probably long gone. The alleged ‘whetstones’ from the bottom of Lake Lednica were not examined in a SEM. A total of 24 specimens were chosen for chemical microanalysis from the dozens of typical stone artefacts found at the castle, dating from the period between the second half of the tenth century and the thirteenth century. A detailed study of the find- contexts would probably facilitate a more precise dating, and linking artefacts to specific contexts could significantly expand existing knowledge of the castle’s social composition. However, existing publications are of no assistance in this respect – and it is beyond our power to delve into the field documentation from several dozen excavation seasons or years. Moreover, the result would probably only involve some of the finds of this type and therefore its testimony would be fragmentary at best (see Ježek et al. 2010). In any case, I have given up on such an attempt, though not by choice.

Thanks to permission from the Museum of the First Piasts on Lednica Lake, I was able to analyse selected touchstones from Ostrów Lednicki and Dziekanowice in 2012. While returning the finds from a laboratory, I entered the results available at the time into the computer at the museum, as we had agreed on a joint publication with the authors of the cemetery excavation. But it was not until 2015, when I accidently came across an article on the Internet on the analysed artefacts from the cemetery in Dziekanowice, that I was able to view my own microphotographs, spectra, etc., and even their comments (Wrzesińska & Wrzesiński 2014). This article contains numerous mistakes and gaps, but nevertheless it presents an (incomplete) description of the graves in which the analysed artefacts were found, and the contexts of most of the grave finds can in part be summarised here (Table 9).60

60 Errors by Wrzesińska & Wrzesiński (2014) complicate efforts to produce a summary. For example, grave 27/2008 should contain an iron weight, based on the caption of the relevant figure (28); how-