The previous chapter presented the results of the analysis of spatial, burial, biological and material variables in the mortuary settings at Khok Phanom Di, Ban Lum Khao and Non Nok Tha. This chapter will present discussion and interpretation of the evidence. Each site will be discussed individually, but as many of the characteristics are commonly shared at the Bronze Age sites Ban Lum Khao and Non Nok Tha these two sites will be discussed together. A summary of sub-adults in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages of mainland Southeast Asia will be provided at the end of the chapter.
Spatial Information
Archaeologists have argued the formal distribution of burials in cemeteries can indicate social organisation, with clustered groups or burials deposited in rows, believed to represent family or corporate groups (Goldstein 1981; McHugh 1999; Saxe 1970; Wason 1994). Saxe (1970) posited in his hypothesis #8 that a structured approach to burial (i.e. clusters or rows) demonstrates corporate groups using formal burial areas as a means of legitimising, through lineal descent, the use and control of resources and territory. Inclusion or exclusion of sub-adults from formal burial areas can illuminate the attitude of a community towards deceased sub-adults. Inclusion or exclusion of sub-adults from formal burial areas can also provide an insight into notions of personhood that permeate a community. Fowler (2004:7) in his description of personhood states that people are “constituted, de-constituted, maintained and altered in social practices through life and death”. There are many examples of culturally specific personhood stages in life such as puberty, marriage/union or birth, but death and the public performance of the mortuary ritual may also transform the identity of the individual and/or survivors (Fowler 2004).
The predominant global pattern suggests sub-adults, particularly infants, are frequently shown to be excluded from formal burial areas (Scott 1999). This exclusion suggests that sub-adults do not attain full membership in communities. Rega (1997) examined the Bronze Age cemetery at Mokrin, in the former Yugoslavia, and observed differential mortuary behaviour based upon age and sex. A total of 312
graves were deposited in rows believed to represent family groups. Of these burials, infants under 1 year were absent from the cemetery. Rega (1997) also noted a disproportionately high number of young females aged 1-6 years of age were present in the cemetery, whereas males of this age were under-represented. Rega suggests this behaviour indicates that infants, who generally constitute a large proportion of prehistoric cemetery populations, were not afforded full community membership at Mokrin. The inclusion of young females in the formal cemetery suggests that gender was also an important element of social organisation at Mokrin. King (2006) studied the spatial distribution of sub-adult burials at the Early Postclassic coastal Oaxaca site of Río Viejo (AD1200). In all other coastal and highland Oaxaca communities,
individuals are buried under house floors or within the residential area of a settlement. However at Río Viejo, King observed that no individuals under 17 years of age were buried under house floors. She suggests that this cultural behaviour indicates that individuals under this age were not considered full members of the community until this age was reached.
Khok Phanom Di
Clustered burial distributions occur at Khok Phanom Di in mortuary phases 2-4 and they are believed to be representative of family groups (Higham 1989, 2002, 2004; Higham and Thosarat 2004). This suggests these family groups had, or were striving to gain, control of local resources and were legitimising this through the mortuary ritual. Sub-adults are included within the limits of burial clusters in each phase (see Figures 4.2 to 4.4). This suggests all individuals, irrespective of age, were perceived and treated, at least publicly, as members of the community. Sub-adults are buried throughout the remaining mortuary phases and only sub-adults are buried in mortuary phase 7 prior to the cessation of occupation. Burials are deposited in discrete rows in mortuary phases 5 and 6 with sub-adults represented in these rows. This demonstrates that sub-adults were publicly treated, at least, as significant members of family groups and the community at large. It is curious that only sub-adults were buried in the final mortuary phase. Perhaps this indicates another transition in behaviour at this
cemetery, or perhaps this evidence is merely a product of the limitations of the excavation area. Further excavation may clarify if the cemetery at Khok Phanom Di was being used solely for sub-adults in the terminal phase.
Higham and colleagues (Higham and Bannanurag 1990; Higham and Thosarat 2004) identified postholes, mortuary structures and hearths in association with burials. Postholes are probably from timber housing present in other Neolithic agricultural communities in China and Southeast Asia (Bellwood 2004, 2005; Higham 2002). Mortuary structures were differentiated from postholes by the proximity (over bodies) and tight configuration of holes surrounding burials (Higham and Bannanurag 1990). Mortuary structures were present in the later mortuary phases. The examination of burials in proximity to postholes and hearths observed that neither age category was significantly more associated with these features than the other. Adults were
frequently buried in mortuary structures, but children were also buried within their confines. It is unknown if hearths specifically represent funerary feasts associated directly with burials or if hearths are constructed in association with secular activities and are coincidentally deposited beside burials.
Ban Lum Khao and Non Nok Tha
Burials from mortuary phase 2, from which the majority of burials are sourced at Ban Lum Khao, are distributed in five rows. Sub-adults are present in four of the five rows, although the absence from the fifth row is likely due to the limitations of the excavation square and not culturally selective behaviour. They are evenly distributed across the rows, with no clear evidence of a segregated area for specific age classes. Though sample sizes are small from mortuary phases 1 and 3, sub-adults are
represented in each phase. This evidence suggests that sub-adults were, at least publicly through the mortuary ritual, recognised as full members of the community at Ban Lum Khao and, minimally, had personhood status assigned to them.
It is difficult to ascertain the precise attitude of the community at Non Nok Tha to sub-adults from the spatial distribution of burials. Bayard (1972) surmised that many burials remain unexcavated. But as this is a common occurrence at various sites, archaeologists must make interpretations based on the available material. Evidence from the 1968 excavation, both Early and Late periods, show that no discernible pattern of burial is obvious as there was at the other two sites. Sub-adults are
4.12) show sub-adults were primarily segregated to the southeast section of the excavation area. Only two burials were outside this area. This would normally indicate that sub-adults were afforded different cultural status, not necessarily lower status, leading to the interment of sub-adults of all age categories across both periods in this culturally selected area. However, as the 1968 burials span the same periods and do not exhibit similar burial patterning, it is difficult to infer what strategy involving sub-adult burials at Non Nok Tha actually were. It is particularly
frustrating that twenty sub-adult burials could not be located on published maps. The ability to locate these burials could positively or negatively affect interpretations of community attitudes towards sub-adults.
The spatial distribution of sub-adult burials on mainland Southeast Asia in the Neolithic and Bronze Age does not support the global pattern of sub-adult exclusion from formal burial areas. Sub-adult burials from Khok Phanom Di and Ban Lum Khao are included with adults in formal burial areas. Sub-adult burials are included, albeit in selective areas of deposition, at Non Nok Tha.
Burial Information
Goldstein (1981:57) asserts that mortuary systems are multidimensional. This referred to a growing awareness by archaeologists examining societal structures that researchers must analyse all features in mortuary settings, both cultural and
biological, to attain a holistic understanding of societies. Mortuary characteristics examined in isolation are ultimately arbitrary as they provide no avenue for comparative analysis.
Ethnographic evidence demonstrates that burial features are highly variable across and within cultures through time (O’Shea 1981; Ucko 1969). Through a case study on five Native American Indian populations in the United States, O’Shea (1981) used ethnographic, ethnohistorical and archaeological evidence to analyse the social structure of these communities through the mortuary setting. O’Shea identified the normative mortuary practices and found that in the 20 years of site usage, differential social patterns could be identified. Saxe (1971) in his study of the cemetery at Wadi
Halfa, Sudan, examined the orientation of burials to determine which age and/or sex was buried outside normative orientation at this site. He found that burials outside normative orientation did not occur by age but did occur by sex, with females more frequently buried outside the normative orientation range than males. Tainter (1975) argued that energy expenditure of burials could be measured to determine the
variations that may occur in prehistoric social ranking structures. He suggested that by examining size and elaborateness of burials, handling and disposal methods of the body and the composition of associated grave goods status of the deceased can be assessed, with those burials afforded greater energy expenditure in the mortuary ritual deemed to be of a higher social rank. Carr (1995) identified 8 social and
philosophical-religious variables as the most significant characteristics in the construction of mortuary settings. Of these variables, orientation, which Parker Pearson (1999) notes are integral elements of religions where burial is the main mortuary rite, is considered the most important.
Khok Phanom Di
Individuals at Khok Phanom Di were normally buried at a depth between 0-20cm in the extended style facing between 45-90°. Burial styles were extended, flexed and semi-flexed. There is one young child buried in 2 large jars with rims contacting each other from mortuary phase 5. Sub-adults constitute the majority of burials not in the extended fashion with 7 children buried in the flexed position and 4 semi-flexed. Of these, 6 infants are buried in the flexed style and all 4 semi-flexed burials are infants. This suggests that infants, specifically, were selected for differential burial styles. It is unknown why these individuals were selected for differential burial treatment but this behaviour may be related to gendered roles and reflect beliefs apportioned to infants of a specific sex in this community or only occur within specific family groups.
Neither age category was more likely to be included in double burials at Khok
Phanom Di. It is unsurprising that infants, who constitute such a large majority of the cemetery population, are most frequently included in double burials. As discussed, Higham and colleagues (1990, 2004) posit that burials are deposited in family groups. As double burials occur within the confines of identified clusters and rows, it is
possible to suggest a kin-based or biological relationship was shared between buried individuals in this context.
While only one aspect of energy expenditure was included in this study, that of grave depth, and while not significant, adults are more prone to be buried in deeper graves at Khok Phanom Di, whereas a number of infants were buried in scoop graves. The evidence suggests that grave depth was not a significant feature that indicated specific cultural beliefs at Khok Phanom Di.
A range of natural and cultural processes can be responsible for burials being disturbed post-mortem. The evidence of clustered burials (mortuary phases 2 to 4) and burials distributed in rows (mortuary phase 5 and 6) suggest that the population was aware of where earlier burials (i.e. family groups) were and deposited other burials within these zones. Yet, a significant amount of burials, specifically infant burials, are disturbed. It is curious that all age categories are included spatially in culturally demarcated clusters and rows yet such a disproportionate amount of infants are exposed in varying degrees to some form of disturbance. Only 2 adult burials are disturbed. Perhaps, as has been seen from spatial analyses, all individuals are
afforded some level of personhood from birth and are provided a burial as a minimum at death. However, after burial occurs, the age of the individual is considered and the community was unconcerned if infant graves were disturbed after a period of time, perhaps a year or a month. Perhaps burials containing individuals aged over 1 year old remained in the consciousness of the community and they chose not to disturb these burials. Alternatively, perhaps burials of individuals aged over 1 were marked (stone or wood marker) and those below were not. This would increase the chance that unmarked graves would be disturbed by future use of the cemetery.
The majority of burials are orientated between 45-90°. The evidence shows that 10 of 12 sub-adults buried outside normative orientation are infants. Further, these burials fall into 3 ranges of orientation (0-45°, 90-135° and 225-270°). Perhaps if these 10 infants were orientated in a single different orientation it may indicate they belonged to a specific gendered category or family group. However, the evidence of 3
non-normative orientations. It is unclear why these 10 infants and 2 young children were selectively exposed to non-normative burial orientation.
Ban Lum Khao and Non Nok Tha
Individuals at Ban Lum Khao were normally buried in extended styles between 135- 180°. Grave depth was not recorded at Ban Lum Khao. Burial styles are extended and semi flexed. Seventeen infants are buried in large ceramic jars and seven adults are buried in a disarticulated fashion described as bundled. While sub-adults are significantly more likely not to be buried in the normative extended fashion, 17 of 18 of these burials are infant jar burials. This would indicate that infants, specifically, are subject to differential burial. But the question remains why only these infants and not all twenty-three. Domett (2004) notes from her examination of the health at Ban Lum Khao that females generally exhibit improved health in comparison with males, suggesting that cultural behaviours could be responsible for this difference and that females were held in higher status in this community. Although the ability to accurately sex infants is currently beyond biological examination, perhaps the
selectivity of infant burials in pots is indicative of cultural gendered selection and may contain the remains of female infants.
Individuals at Non Nok Tha were normally buried in extended styles at depths from 40-60cm and were orientated between 225-270°. Burial styles at this site are extended, flexed, semi-flexed. Once again there is a difference occurring in the pattern of behaviour involving sub-adults from the Neolithic and Bronze Ages. It appears that grave depth, of 40-60cm, was apportioned relatively equally between adults and sub-adults. All sub-adults were buried in the normative extended style at Non Nok Tha. The evidence that only a minority of adults were exposed to non- extended burial styles is in contrast to the evidence from both Ban Lum Khao and Khok Phanom Di.
Only 2 infants and 1 young child represent sub-adults included in double burials at Ban Lum Khao. This evidence, also reflected at Non Nok Tha, suggests that attitudes had changed in regards to double burials between the Neolithic and Bronze Age. At Non Nok Tha 3 infants and 3 young children were included in double burials.
Whereas at Khok Phanom Di, many individuals collectively and all age grades of sub- adults were found in double burials, only infants and young children were exposed to this behaviour in both Bronze Age sites and in significantly reduced numbers. While double burials were still occurring it appears that its significance in mortuary rituals had diminished. If the suggestion that double burials were occurring in kin-based or biologically based relationships (i.e. clusters or burial rows) is accepted at Khok Phanom Di, and is seen at Ban Lum Khao, it appears that such public displays of affiliation had undergone a transition between both periods.
As with double burials, the evidence suggests that sub-adults were no longer exposed to increased grave disturbances in the Bronze Age. While not conclusive, as natural taphonomic processes were included in this analysis, the evidence may further
indicate that shifts in cultural attitudes had occurred between the Neolithic and Bronze Age towards sub-adults as infants are no longer exposed to significantly increased likelihood of grave disturbance. This could suggest that the attitude toward infant burials, specifically, underwent cultural transition between both ages.
The evidence of grave depths at Non Nok Tha and orientation of burials continues to support a shift in mortuary treatment of sub-adults between the Neolithic and Bronze Age. It does appear that grave depths were not significant features of the mortuary ritual at any of the sites.
At Khok Phanom Di infants, particularly, are frequently not orientated in the
normative range. However, in the Bronze Age sites neither adults nor sub-adults are significantly buried outside normative orientations. While not significant, adults are frequently buried outside normative orientation at Ban Lum Khao. As has been seen (Table 4.7) while the 225-270° range is the normative at Non Nok Tha, both adults and sub-adults are orientated in all directions. This may suggest that orientation was not a significant characteristic of the mortuary ritual or that the population underwent a series of changing attitudes towards the significance of orientation in the ritual over the occupation of Non Nok Tha.
Biological Information
Health variables were reviewed from published material to provide an overview of adult and sub-adult health in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages in Southeast Asia. These variables were mortality rates, dental caries, cribra orbitalia and enamel hypoplasia. For more comprehensive reviews of adult and sub-adult health in prehistoric
Thailand, refer to Oxenham and Tayles (2006), Domett (2001, 2002, 2004), Tayles (1996, 1996, 1999), Douglas (1996, 2006) and Domett and Tayles (2006).
Mortality rates of infants and children constitute a large percentage of global death rates in the contemporary world (Goodman and Armelagos 1989, Saunders and Barrens 1999). Goodman and Armelagos (1989) suggest this would be the same in prehistoric populations. Weiss (1973, cited in Domett 2004) reports that the expected mortality rates for sub-adults in ancient populations are expected to fall between 19- 60 per cent. Mortality rates from the three sites show that sub-adult populations examined fall within this range.
Sub-adult burials constitute 55.8% of the cemetery population at Khok Phanom Di (Domett 2001; Domett and Tayles 2006; Tayles 1999). Domett (2001) notes that this mortality rate is the highest for sub-adults recorded in Southeast Asia. Infants
comprise the majority (73.3%) of the sub-adults at Khok Phanom Di. As is evident from a range of burial variables discussed in this thesis, infants are not always afforded normative burial treatment at this site. While mortality rates are normally