Observaciones finales

A variety of causes are responsible for the proliferation of AICs. As mentioned previously each AIC originated and developed in a unique way rendering it problematic to rationalise any generalisations as to the proliferation of AICs. I will therefore attempt to outline only the most fundamental reasons for the existence of AICs from those indicated in available literature. These include adaptation in times of social change, a need for independence, a religious space that reflected traditional values and the view that the initiation of new Christian churches is normal practice as a result of the presence of numerous Christian denominations conducting evangelic work.

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Steyn (1996:1) stated that social scientists have over the years “established beyond question that religious movements tend to proliferate in times of social change and turbulence”. Many African countries were subject to colonial administration and endure situations of severe conflict creating the ideal circumstances for the initiation and proliferation of AICs. According to Kiernan (1990:6–7) AICs are generally initiated to provide relief in undesirable situations, for example, during discriminatory circumstances or adaptation dilemmas during migration and urbanisation. It is during these times that people experience feelings of alienation due to the unfamiliar sociocultural surroundings and lack of access to necessary social and political mechanisms. Kiernan said that in undesirable situations like these AICs are able to restore African dignity and self-respect concurring with Sundkler who stated that AICs “are part of the struggle for the liberation of man and the realisation of personal worth” (in Kiernan 1990:7).

The need to break away from white western control is hence an obvious reason for the origination of AICs in those countries subject to colonisation. As West (1975:177) pointed out the political breakaway was significant in that it enabled African Christians to be in charge of their own churches and follow their own leaders. In addition, as already mentioned, it allowed them to Africanise Christianity, which for West was of equal importance (see Coplan 2008:101) because African Christians often feel like foreigners in mission churches that mostly do not pay heed to African values and needs (Mbiti 1971: 234).

For example, Mbiti (1971:234) explained that traditionally Africans live their whole lives in a religious world. Religious practices form the core of the traditional African world-view (see Coplan 2008: 101). According to him (1971:233–234):

[m]ission [western] Christianity has come to mean for many Africans simply a set of rules to be observed, promises to be expected in the next world, rhythmless hymns to be sung, rituals to be followed and a few other outward things. It is a Christianity which is locked up six days a week, meeting only for two hours on Sundays and perhaps once during the week. It is a Christianity which is active in a church building. The rest of the week is empty. Africans, who traditionally do not know a religious vacuum, feel that they don’t get

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enough religion from this type of Christianity, since it does not fill up their whole life and their understanding of the universe. ... Worship in mission churches is simply dull for most Africans. Independent Churches are an attempt to find a ‘place to feel at home’, not only in worship but in the whole profession and expression of Christian Faith. Beneath the umbrella of Independent Churches, African Christians can freely shed their tears, voice their sorrows, present their spiritual and physical needs, respond to the world in which they live and empty their selves before God.

It is important to consider female participation in this regard. Women in mission churches who are not church officials are usually restricted to being passive listeners (Omoyajowo 1988:80). This is not the case in AICs where, as Daneel (2007:214– 215) pointed out, generally female members conduct far-reaching missionary activities by participating in special women’s organisations and in healing activities (see Kiernan 1985:98). Although AICs primarily have male hierarchies of power and women are rarely allowed to become priests or ministers they do fulfil significant religious roles as wives of the priests or ministers and as prophets (Brandel-Syrier 1984:13–15; Hammond-Tooke 1989:137–138)

Anderson (1999:285, 308) concurs that a major reason for the proliferation of AICs, specifically the Spirit-type AICs, is their ability to address traditional African needs, of which he emphasised the deliverance from illness, poverty, unemployment, loneliness, evil spirits and sorcery. He drew attention to the fact that unlike mission churches traditional African religions are primarily concerned with rituals of healing and protection. Wilson (1971:114) also emphasised the preoccupation of traditional African religions with health and that the assistance most eagerly sought from early missionaries in Africa was treatment of the sick. Some missionaries initially established hospitals near the mission stations thus linking religion with healing activities and increasing their conversion rate. However, this was not general practice and it later disappeared altogether. Although several mission churches do practice healing by means of prayer and the laying on of hands, their main concern is attaining deliverance in the hereafter. AICs, in contrast, focus on providing immediate solutions to problems that are particular to a traditional African sociocultural setting and experienced by members in the here and now or, in other

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words, solutions that assist in deliverance in the here and now (Anderson 1999:285; Hammond-Tooke 1989:135–136; Kiernan 1985:92).

In short, converts were exposed to two clashing world-views each with its own norms and value system. The Christian doctrine was rooted in a western world-view unfamiliar to most black African Christians. As Crafford (1996:23), Hanekom (1975:113), Mbiti (1971:233), Omoyajowo (1988:80) and Daneel (1974:309, as quoted by Anderson 2003:116) indicated, AICs largely resulted from attempts to contextualise Christianity in a new African sociocultural environment by means of mixing and adapting Christian doctrines with traditional African religious elements. As mentioned in section 2.2, this is referred to by some authors as a process of syncretism. Daneel (1974:309) also explained that “[t]his is a dynamic process with numerous variations, even within the same Church”. AICs are therefore each characterised by their own unique combination of Christian and traditional religious elements. According to West (1975:173) the mere presence of traditional elements in these churches was unacceptable to western-orientated mission churches. Members necessarily had to secede and initiate their own churches in order to practise this new African Christianity freely.

In addition, every Christian denomination, including Anglicans, Baptists, Lutherans, Protestants and Roman Catholics from the USA, Britain and Europe conducted missionary work in Africa. Africans were therefore faced with several images of Christianity and accepted the existence of different kinds of Christian theologies and practices as normal. The large variety of Protestant denominations that worked among African members cherished their denominational founders and their particular new brand of Christianity. African members, hence, viewed secessions as result of dissatisfaction about certain issues and the initiation of a new brand of Christianity as normal practice (Mbiti 1971:232–233).

Lastly, AICs did not only secede from mission churches, but also from one another. The reasons for these secessions can largely be ascribed to leadership power struggles, the legitimate succession of leaders, mismanagement of financial and administrative matters, as well as differences concerning particular religious

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conceptions within such churches (Daneel 2000:328; Masuku 1996:53; West 1975:169).