Capítulo III La Empresa Veladoras San Lucas
3.6 Oferta y Demanda
report can be considered to have encapsulated Saunders’ aspirations for palliative care to achieve influence in the care of those at the end of their lives within mainstream health and social care, however, with some important consequences for hospices which are examined though a consideration of the principles and guidelines which were embedded in this key policy document.
3.1.2 Introducing commissioning, monitoring and measurement
In bringing together organisations involved in EOLC, whilst at the same time taking steps to facilitate wider discussion on EOLC, the government was beginning to impose some structure onto this area of health and social care, specifically in the suggestions for the ‘categorising’ of EOLC also announced in the 2008 report. Introducing a ‘Measurement Framework for End of Life Care’
(Department of Health, 2008, p. 137) with the objectives of monitoring, recording and measuring EOLC, a tool was developed by the government which would demonstrate the progress of their strategy by gathering EOLC data to measure process, outcome and quality of care by different providers. In addition, a national quality standard was proposed to inspect, rate and report on health and social care provided in England which was to be administered by the Care Quality Commission (CQC) (p. 133-‐147), also the body for planning, commissioning and awarding public funds in healthcare. What this framework of measurement meant for EOLC providers, including hospices, was that all EOLC providers, hospitals, residential care homes and other private EOLC
providers who comprised the network of health and social care provision in England, now fell within this inspection regime.
Introducing such processes, recognised and established within central government to account for many different areas of public spending, brought EOLC in line with areas such as education where regular inspections occur, as well as routine publication of data collected on the provision of a service, and a ruling of, ‘good’ or ‘poor’ is given as a judgement of the worth and effectiveness of a service provider. Importantly this attempt to bring EOLC in line with other publicly funded areas of health and social care is also discussed as a form of standardisation of EOLC (Borgstrom, 2016).
The effects of such measures were significant for EOLC providers such as hospices, NHS hospitals, residential care homes and other private EOLC providers who had not been previously categorised or compared to each other in this way. Current and future EOLC providers in England had to accept inspection and that a quality criterion for EOLC was being established. In introducing these processes it was clear that some attempts had begun to give a uniformity in EOLC. Consequently, a legacy of the Department of Health 2008 report and subsequent accounts of its progress was in setting up the systematic information gathering, processes and classifications to judge and categorise the relevant actors in EOLC. Importantly, what was introduced was the suggestion that the EOLC currently provided for terminally ill people in England was not good enough, but with state intervention better EOLC, from a
variety of providers, was going to be offered to the terminally ill in the future.
This key policy document has thus had a significant impact on how the complex process of managing EOLC has been translated into standardised, systematic means of monitoring and measuring quality and efficiency.
Through funding and quality measures, unifying and standardising of EOLC provision was taking place, with hospices being inspected in the same way as all other EOLC providers. Assessing the transformations and reformations for EOLC and for hospices, Seymour and Cassel (2016) discussed the public health system and approach to EOLC in England as being outlined through various statements of intent or strategies, and being maintained via monitoring initiatives. Sturgeon (2014) saw that the policy was the instrument which now brought together privately funded organisations and charities who could bid for and provide this EOLC together with publicly funded organisations such as NHS hospitals (ibid).
The consequences of these initiatives for the terminally ill, with this diverse range of providers competing against each other for public funding to provide health and social care, has been described recently by O’Mahony (2016a) as ‘the jostling and manhandling of death’ in the current battles over ownership of death and the dying process. Considering what this means for individuals who are terminally ill as well as health and social care professionals, O’Mahony suggested the current situation was a distraction from the ‘real issues’ involved for and with the care of the dying. Furthermore, from his position as
consultant, O’Mahony queried the current approach to dying within NHS hospitals and with EOLC given by hospital doctors. O’Mahony’s (2016a, 2016b) writing raises questions about the cause and nature of underlying tensions between different providers and their approaches to EOLC, suggesting that policy, guidelines and measures and current discussions are having a
consequence in the care which is delivered to people at the end of their lives.
Borgstrom (2016) described this as the underlying assumption in EOLC policy that death can be both foreseen and managed (p. 5), a similar view has caused O’Mahony (2016b) to reflect that through attempts to measure EOLC some of the humanity in care for those at the end of their lives may have been lost. The idea that death may be controlled and refined and what this has meant for different care providers is discussed in the final part of this section on EOLC.
3.1.3 ‘Taming death’
Approaches to death and dying are connected to societal attitudes in
contemporary society and together these influence the care of the dying (Hart et al., 1998; Mullick et al., 2013). With most deaths in England now occurring in hospitals the current approach to EOLC may be comprised of a more medical approach with EOLC given in hospitals often deemed to be at odds with a more holistic, sociological approach in which the entire human experience at the end of life can be considered (Thompson et al., 2016). Aries (1974) considered the development of a secular approach to death and care of the dying in an
important social history of western attitudes toward death and dying. Using a
chronological account to chart the change in attitudes, he outlined the ‘taming’
of death and dying from medieval times and suggested that through rituals and religion actions were undertaken to control the unknown and frightening aspects which faced individuals and those around them at the end of life.
Through the ‘triumph of medicalisation’ (Aries, 1974, p. 584), Aries argued that death had become both ‘tamed’ and less visible through medical advances. He suggested doctors controlled the dying process and, at times, extended the dying stages, something which Aries saw as undesirable and described as a tendency of doctors to keep a patient alive at all costs (p. 585). Writing at a time of rapid medical advancement in areas such as the treatment of cancer, and when modern hospices were emerging to offer cancer sufferers a more holistic approach in the treatment of their illness, Aries contrasted hospices to hospitals, describing hospices as a ‘new concept’ specialising in painless dying and developing a different, and to Aries more acceptable, attitude and
approach to death and dying to that of hospitals. Interestingly cancer may well have been ‘tamed’ as it is now considered to be a highly treatable condition, and whilst some forms of cancer are still terminal these commonly have a predictable downward trajectory with clearly staged and planned interventions, a treatment process which is not common or possible with most other terminal conditions (Clark, 2016).
Considered by O’Mahony (2016b) to be a romantic who had a somewhat idealised view of pre-‐industrial society, Aries’ work is however helpful in its
contribution to addressing how death and dying may have changed and how EOLC providers have developed their own approaches to the care of the
terminally ill. Writing about the different approaches to EOLC Gallagher (2014) questioned whether there should, or indeed could, be integration or
collaboration between EOLC providers such as hospices and hospitals,
considering hospitals as healthcare settings where the dominant attitude and practice of a profession is based on practices of prolonging life (p. 286). What is emerging is that EOLC providers can be seen as distinguished by and from each other through the form of care that is provided and that a ‘tame death’
may suggest that the alternative is wild and somehow less desirable. Here what is surfacing is that different, and changing, societal attitudes and approaches to death and dying are fundamental to understanding how hospices have
developed as organisations formed around a very specific practice of EOLC.
The care which hospices provide is explained in more detail next.
3.2 Palliative care
Palliative care is considered to acknowledge the complete emotional, spiritual and physical aspects of an individual’s suffering and offers an individualised process of care which accepts that a condition is no longer curable and that a person is at the end of their life (NCPC, 2017). Etymologically, the word palliative is derived from the Latin verb ‘palliare’, which means ‘to cloak’, a
‘pallium’ being a cloak or vestment worn by a priest (Dormandy, 2006; Sinclair, 2007). Documenting the treatment of pain over several centuries, Dormandy (2006) derived meaning from the Latin origins of the word suggesting that the practice of palliative care involved the wrapping or cloaking of a terminally ill individual at the end of their life. Studying the emergence of palliative care and understanding the connection of this form of care to hospices was important in this research project because it highlighted the different positions hospices have taken in comparison to other providers of EOLC. In addition, by
‘championing’ this form of EOLC, hospices seem to have been afforded a status and authority in EOLC care despite the amount of EOLC they provide in the UK being under represented in official figures (Conway, 2011; Field and Addington-‐Hall, 1993).
Palliative care emerged in the 1950s and 1960s from research undertaken examining the treatment of patients suffering from cancer in hospitals. Before palliative care the recognised practice and common treatment for the acute pain experienced by many cancer patients was to dispense pain relief on