Capítulo 2. Análisis del texto "COATL-TETETL" escrito
2.4 Ofrendas del Día de Muertos en la orilla de la laguna de Coatetelco
The results from this study show that neighborhood urbanicity and socioeconomic status do affect health behaviors and source of social support of individuals. People in urban and affluent neighborhoods were found to pay more attention to their health, but at the same time consume more alcohol. Also people in more urban neighborhoods were found to smoke more. While part of the results could be explained by social causation, the evidence was stronger for social selection – that is, people who moved to more urban and affluent areas already paid more attention to their health, drank more alcohol and smoked more.
Results for source of social support followed suit. People in more rural areas received social support from their family and people in more urban and affluent areas received more support from their friends. Like with health behaviors, the results provided more support for social selection than for social causation.
The study also examined how health behaviors, depressive symptoms and source of social support affected residential mobility behavior. We found that people who got more social support from their friends were more likely to move and to move more frequently. Also, people who got more support from their family were less likely to move. In addition, people with better health behaviors moved longer distances.
These findings answer to the existing gaps in neighborhood effects literature, mainly the issue of causality in neighborhood effects (Diez Roux & Mair, 2010).
Studies focusing on the issue have been long overdue. In a rather demographically homogenous country, such as Finland, neighborhood characteristics do seem to affect the physical and psychological well-being of individuals to a certain extent. However, most of the difference in the well-being of individuals between neighborhoods are likely to be caused by social selection.
Studies using samples from more culturally diverse countries support this view (Jokela, 2014, 2015).
Drawing the findings of the three studies together raises an interesting question. In studies I & II the results showed that certain kinds of people tend to move to certain kinds of neighborhoods – on both municipality and zip-code area
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level. However, in study III the results were quite clear on that no health selective residential mobility occurred between municipalities. Taken together, the results imply that there are other factors, which affect selective residential mobility and create neighborhood differences in health. Even in studies were health has been associated with selective residential mobility (Dunn, Winning, Zaika, &
Subramanian, 2014), the results have been anything but consistent. The results varied based on the number and nature of health problems people had. Results from health selective residential mobility studies may be further confounded by omitted individual level variables. For example, personality traits have been found to affect the well-being of individuals (Josefsson et al., 2011). Personality can, however, also affect residential mobility behavior (Rentfrow, 2014). Such results only highlight the complexity of studying the formation of health inequalities between neighborhoods. Thus, it is not surprising that neighborhood effects studies have faced harsh criticisms (Oakes, Andrade, Biyoow, & Cowan, 2015).
It is important to recognize that the effects sizes of neighborhood effects studies in general, and also in the studies included in this dissertation, are relative small. Thus, the practical implications of the findings are quite insignificant for a given individual. Even if part of our findings support the causality of neighborhood effects, for example, in consumption of alcohol, it does not mean that an individual’s consumption of alcohol would increase in a problematic way after a move to a more affluent neighborhood.
At societal level, however, the effects can be very significant. Social segregation by health behaviors or other means can lead to neighborhoods were health problems accumulate. Furthermore, results from the studies included in this dissertation would indicate the counterintuitive possibility that affluent areas could be those were people in general might have problematic drinking behaviors.
This in turn could reflect to social policy and intervention planning. As people of lower socioeconomic status tend have worse health in general, health services should be directed towards deprived areas. Intervention programs against drinking, however, should be directed to more affluent areas.
The present study has addressed important issues in neighborhood effect studies – causality of neighborhood effects and selective residential mobility. The
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findings suggest that majority of health inequalities between neighborhoods are caused by social selection. Future studies should concentrate on differentiating the factors that govern selective residential mobility. In addition, the findings of social causation in neighborhood effects can be of possible use in social policy planning.
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