OIT y los derechos humanos laborales en las corporaciones multinacionales

The analysis that follows is based on data from Huber and Gorlach (1996), and Huber (1995 and 1999b). Huber (1999b, p. 170) states that ‘Gha PE [...] allows quite complex syllables’. He even lays emphasis on this fact and writes that this is “[c]ontrary to the prevalent notion that Pidgins and Creoles lack complex syllables” but similar to “other WAPEs [West African Pidgin Englishes]”. Incidentally, his argument is somewhat weakened by his reference, in the context, to Nigerian Pidgin English, studied by Faraclas (1996). Whereas Huber (1999b) is essentially an investigation into basilectal Ghanaian Pidgin English, Faraclas (1996) analyses mesolectal Nigerian Pidgin English (see 3.3.3.7).

As for three-consonant clusters in the onset, the “permissible combinations are /spr/, /spl/, /spj/, /str/ /stj/ and /skr/ /skj/ /skw/” (Huber 1999b, p. 172). In terms o f their frequency in the corpus, “except for /spr/, /spl/, /str/, these clusters are quite rare” (Huber 1999b, p. 172). The only two-consonant clusters occurring in the onset are, according to Huber (1999b, pp. 171-172), /sp/, /st/, and /sk/. On this analysis, Ghanaian Pidgin English appears to permit in the onset a number o f three- and two-consonant clusters beginning with /s/. Nonetheless, since in this thesis I focus on basilectal varieties, it is important to note that, according to Huber (1999b, p. 172) “consonant clusters are frequently simplified [...] especially towards the basilectal end o f the continuum”. Two strategies are at work here: “syllables are often regularized towards a CV structure either by elision o f one member in consonant clusters, or by insertion o f an epenthetic [...] vowel” (Huber 1999b, p. 174).

Three-consonant clusters, such as /str/, are simplified either to /sr/, through the deletion o f It/, or to /sVr/, through the deletion o f Itl and the insertion o f an epenthetic vowel (Huber 1999b, p. 174). The epenthetic vowel is a copy o f the tone-bearing vowel

o f the syllable containing the cluster (Huber 1999b, p. 174). Consider the following examples:

(147) /str/

[strap] ~ [sop] ~ [s3n p ] (E strong) ‘strong’ (Huber 199b, p. 174)

[strend3a] ~ [srenc^a] ~ [serend3a] (E stranger) ‘stranger’ (Huber 199b, p. 174)

The first strategy is captured by the ranking:

(148) * On s/sO , De p-IO , Le f t- An c h o r » Ma x-IO , Co n t i g u i t y:

The evaluation o f one o f the possible outputs is shown below: (149 )________________________________

/stre in c ^ a / *On s/sO i De p-IO j L -An c h o r Ma x-IO Co n t ig

stre n .d ja *! i : ''"'y,v’ \ 1‘> •• A tren.d3a *! * es.tren.d3a *| | * se.tren.d3a *! ... * se.ren.d3a : *! ; * ^ sre.nd3a *! * *

As for the second strategy, note the difference between the treatment o f such clusters in Ghanaian Pidgin English and other Atlantic English pidgins and creoles, including the closely related Krio (3.3.1), Nigerian Pidgin English (3.3.3) and Cameroon Pidgin English (3.3.4). Ghanaian Pidgin English, while disallowing /s/ + obstruent clusters in the onset, may simplify such illicit clusters by preserving the leftmost consonant, i.e. the /s/, and deleting the voiceless stop. To account for the second strategy the constraint Co p y

needs to be added:

(150) Co p y: epenthesize a copy o f the etymological vowel.

This constraint eliminates candidates such as e.g. [si.ren.d5a] in which the epenthetic

vowel is not a copy o f the vowel after the original cluster. Co p y must dominate De p-I O

and Ma x-IO . The relevant ranking is:

(151) * On s/sO , Le f t- An c h o r, Co n t i g u i t y, Co p y» De p-IO , Ma x-IO

The optimal candidate is therefore [serenc^a]:

(152 )________________________________________________ t_____ /strend3a/ * On s/sO L -An c h o r I Co n t ig i Co p y De p-IO Ma x-IO

stren.d3a *! --- tren.d3a *! * es.tren.d3a *! : : * se.tren.d3a *! * e5‘ se.ren.d3a * si.ren.d3a : *| sre.nd3a ; *| ;

As for two-consonant clusters, the only strategy conducive to their reduction is that o f vowel epenthesis. As mentioned above, in epenthesis the tone-bearing vowel o f the syllable containing the illicit cluster is copied. Consider the example below:

(1 5 3 )/sk/

suku (E school) ‘school’ (Huber and Gorlach 1996, p. 255)

I propose the following constraint hierarchy to account for vowel copying: (154) *On s/sO, Ma x-IO, Left-Anchor, Co p y» Dep-IO, Contiguity

The constraint Copy eliminates a candidate such as [su.kin] and outranks De p-IO and Co n tig u ity. The ranking is confirmed by the evaluation in the tableau below:

(155 )___________________________________ /s k in / *ONS/sO Ma x-IO i L -An c h o r ; Co p y d e p-i o : Co n t ig sk in *1 k in *! ! * i sin *! : : * ^ si.k in * ; * su .k in *! is. k in *! * :

The clusters /sm/, /sn/, /si/, /sw/ are not listed among those permitted in onset position, even though they would not violate the constraint Son-Se q. However, at least three o f these clusters, /sm/, /si/, and /sw/, do occur actually in the samples o f Ghanaian Pidgin English in Huber (1999b):

(156) /sm/

smel (E smell) ‘smell’ (Huber 1999, p. 250)

/si/

slip (E sleep) ‘to sleep’ (Huber 1999b, p. 178) /sw/

swit (E sweet) ‘to please’ (Huber 1999b, p. 190)

Let me note that I have found counterexamples involving the cluster /sm/. Thus, in one o f Huber’s pidgin-proper versions o f the “minimal” Ghanaian Pidgin English texts in Huber and Gorlach (1996) and Huber (1999b) I have come across the following examples:

(157) /sm/

sumo (E small) ‘small’ (Huber and Gorlach 1996, p. 255)

sumok (E smoke) ‘to smoke’ (Huber 1999b, p. 284)

Clearly, in these examples the epenthetic vowel is not a copy o f the vowel in the syllable containing the illicit cluster. Since h i is a [LABIAL] vowel, and so is lul, this could be an instance o f vowel harmony. On the other hand, the epenthetic [u] could be equally well the result o f transcategorial assimilation to the following [LABIAL] consonant /ml.

English /s/-initial clusters that do not violate Son-Seq are permitted. The value o f

On sSon is n >1.

3.3.3 Nigerian Pidgin English