Organismos e Instituciones

Pilgrims required a vast infrastructure to support them, particularly when they visited an area in large numbers.88 Canon law obliged religious institutions to provide practical support to pilgrims, in the form of accommodation, food, and medical care. 89 _However, as there were often more pilgrims than the institutions could cope with and as the pilgrims travelled beyond the Latin kingdom, the pilgrims of the thirteenth century also relied on private individuals and the Muslim state.

Whilst in the Holy Land, pilgrims would probably have stayed in a variety of

83 _{Menache, ‘Military Orders’, p. 139.}

84 _{Oliverus, ‘Historia Damiatina’, in Die Schriften des Kölner Domscholasters, pp. 159–282 (p.}

169).

85 _{See chapter VIII, pp. 235–37.}

86 _{Bronstein, Hospitallers, p. 114.}

87 _{Pilgrims were charged ‘sous tournois’. Les registres de Grégoire IX: Recueil des bulles de ce}

pape, ed. by Lucien Henri Louis Auvray (Paris: Fontemoing, 1896), no. 4129; Bronstein, Hospitallers, p. 114.

88 _{Stopford, ‘Archaeology of Christian Pilgrimage’, p. 59.}

accommodation types, both with other pilgrims and other types of travellers. In the larger towns of the Latin kingdom such as Acre and Tyre, hostelries for merchants and their goods were set up from the early twelfth century. These fondaci provided short- term accommodation to merchants of specific nationalities, as well as somewhere safe to store their goods. Having a fondaco for one’s nation’s merchants was a privilege usually granted by the ruler of the Latin kingdom to various merchant nations, such as Venice and Genoa.90 The fondaci were not charitable, however, and all residents had to pay rent, but pilgrims from the appropriate nationality could stay in them. Burchard also suggests that landlords tended to provide lodging to pilgrims from their own country, which presumably meant that pilgrims could get assistance in their own language, if necessary.91 Although many private landlords were honest, there were risks involved in staying in such accommodation. Jacques de Vitry commented that some men charged ‘excessive prices’ to pilgrims and added spurious items to their bills in order to extract more money from them.92

Accommodation in religious institutions was also available to pilgrims in the cities, although it was primarily intended for the poor and sick. The Hospitallers had moved their hospital to Acre following the loss of Jerusalem in 1187, and they continued to look after pilgrims. The Hospitallers had previously been tasked with the burial of pilgrims in Akeldama, the area just outside the walls of Jerusalem associated the burial of dead strangers since the sixth century.93 They continued this practice in Acre, burying

90 _{Olivia Remie Constable, ‘Funduq, Fondaco, and Khān in the Wake of Christian Commerce}

and Crusade’, in The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World, ed. by Angeliki E. Laiou and Roy Parviz Mottahedeh (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 2001), pp. 145–156 (p. 151); Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Crusades: A History, 2nd edn. (London: Continuum, 2005), p. 224.

91 _{Burchard (1274-85), pp. 88–89.}

92 _{‘immoderato pretio’ Jacques de Vitry, H.Or, p. 334.}

93 _{Jonathan Riley-Smith, ‘The Death and Burial of Latin Christian Pilgrims to Jerusalem and}

Acre 1099-1291’, Crusades, 7 (2008), 165–79 (p. 167); Denys Pringle, ‘Churches in the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem (1099-1291)’, in Ancient Churches Revealed, ed. by Yoram Tsafrir (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1993), pp. 28–39 (p. 34); Boas, Archaeology of the Military Orders, p. 49.

the dead their section of the cemetery outside the city walls, which had a mortuary chapel dedicated to St Michael. The right to bury the dead seems to have been a highly contested one, mostly because of the opportunity it gave to acquire goods from the deceased. In 1188 Clement III ordered the bishops to take no more than a fourth part of the goods of those who were buried by the Hospital; this excluded any weaponry or horses which were of direct use to the Hospitallers.94 The request clearly did not work, as Clemens III repeated the order in 1195.95 The Templars were also granted the right to bury the dead during an interdict.96

The Hospital was not the only one available to pilgrims in Acre. There was also a hospital of the Bretons, dedicated to St Martin, which had been founded for the care of the poor, infirm and pilgrims of Brittany and Tours, as noted in its charters. This hospital also seems to have had its own cemetery, or least, had the right to bury its occupants.97 The monastery of Our Lady of Jehosaphat, originally based in Jerusalem, but from 1187 in Acre, was also founded for the same purpose.98 The Teutonic Knights continued to provide support for German pilgrims in Acre during the thirteenth century, and were joined by the Knights of St Thomas, who catered for English pilgrims.99 There also seem to have been Hungarian hospices in Acre and Jerusalem prior to 1187; it is reasonable to assume that the Acre hospital, under the control of the Hospital of St Stephen in Esztergom, continued into the thirteenth century.100 Lepers were able to find assistance at the leper house of St Lazarus at Acre, and the churches of St Mark in Acre

94 _{Rudolf Hiestand, Papsturkunden für Templer und Johanniter: Archivberichte und Texte}

(Göttingen: Vandenhoeck &Ruprecht, 1972) no. 205.

95 _{Hiestand, Papsturkunden für Templer und Johanniter, no. 234.}

96 _{Hiestand, Papsturkunden für Templer und Johanniter, no. 208.}

97 _{L’hôpital des Bretons à Saint-Jean d’Acre au XIIIe siècle, ed. by J Delaville le Roulx (Nantes:}

Société des Bibliophiles Bretons et de l’Histoire de Bretagne, 1880), pp. 10, 13–14, 21.

98 _{François Delaborde, Chartres de Terre Sainte provénant de l’abbaye de Notre Dame de}

Josaphat (Paris: Ernest Thorin, 1880), no. xix. The hospital of the Bretons had its own cemetery.

99 _{Jacques de Vitry, H.Or, pp. 268–70}

100 _{Rudolf Hiestand, Papsturkunden für Kirchen im Heiligen Lande (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck &}

and Tyre provided similar support for the Venetians. The presence of these churches in Pardouns indicates that they was also a place of pilgrimage in themselves.101 Acre, as the main port for anyone who wished to visit the Holy Land, also had hospices for non- Latin Christians. St Savas, a Serbian Geek Orthodox pilgrim, bought the monastery of St George from the Latins in 1230 and turned it into the Orthodox monastery dedicated to St Sabas the Great, which provided hospitality for Orthodox visitors to the Holy Land, including the saint, when he revisited in 1234.102 Not everyone agreed with this division of support however; Jacques de Vitry complained in particular against the autonomy of the Italian churches in Acre.103

Most of the major religious institutions had their headquarters in Acre, but had properties scattered about the Latin kingdom.104 Burchard stayed with the Carmelites on Mount Carmel when he visited the Holy Land, and Chemins B mentioned a small lodging house near here, close to village of Francheville. 105 It is probable that pilgrims generally used the large settlements as bases from which to explore the area; the Old French texts specifically note that Caesarea performed this function for pilgrims who wanted to visit the pilgrimage site of St Mary in the Marshes.106 It seems likely that castles, particularly those of the military orders, would sometimes double as pilgrim hospices for pilgrims outside the main settlements, since they were both fortified and located close to the main routes through the Holy Land, and it has been suggested that

101 _{See chapter IX, pp. 251–52. Hiestand, Papsturkunden für Kirchen, no. 161, 168; Pardouns}

(1258-63), p. 235.

102 _{Alice-Mary Talbot, ‘Byzantine Pilgrimage to the Holy Land from the Eighth to the Fifteenth}

Century’, in The Sabaite Heritage in the Orthodox Church from the Fifth Century to the Present, ed. by Joseph Patrich (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2001), pp. 97–106 (p. 106); Dimitri Obolensky, Six Byzantine Portraits (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), p. 167.

103 _{Jacques de Vitry, ‘Lettre II’, pp. 85–86.}

104 _{See, for example, the document in which Greogry IX confirmed the properties of the church}

of Bethlehem in 1227. The church had control of property from Gibelet to Jaffa, although much would have been theoretical since it was in Muslim hands. Hiestand, Papsturkunden für Kirchen, no. 145.

105 _{‘e pus l’em vet à un caselet host près de là, à une petite descendue.’ Chemins B (1254-68), p.}

189.

106 _{Sains Pelerinages (1229-55), p. 104.3; Chemins B (1254-68), p. 190; Pelerinaiges en}

the support of the castles went further, providing medical care for ill and infirm pilgrims, as well as feeding and clothing local paupers.107 The support of paupers, in particular, was written into the rules of both the Templars and Hospitallers.108 Smaller fortified dwellings, belonging to the military orders, regular religious orders and noble families provided further shelter between larger settlements.109 Some castles may have become the focus of pilgrimage themselves; Chastel Pèlerin held the relics of St Euphemia, and it is possible that pilgrims entered the castle to see them.110

Outside the Latin kingdom, pilgrims seem to have had a similar choice of accommodation. A system of khāns (heavily fortified merchant hostels) formed along the main caravan routes through the Holy Land during the late twelfth and early thirteenth century. These temporary lodgings were designed for Muslim travellers but there is some evidence for the use of khāns by non-Muslims in Syria in the thirteenth century, so it is possible that Latin Christians may have been able to take advantage of these hostels.111 Baybars established a khān in 1263 outside the walls of Jerusalem, which Latin Christians later resided in during the fifteenth century and could have stayed in during the thirteenth century.112 Latin pilgrims could definitely stay in separate hostels designed specifically for Christian pilgrims, run under the close supervision of the Muslim authorities, which could be found both outside Jerusalem and in Nazareth. The treaty of 1283 between the Latin kingdom and Qalāwūn stated that four houses near to the church in Nazareth were for the use of Christian pilgrims travelling to Nazareth from the area of the Latin kingdom and that all nations and groups were welcome to use the houses; this could simply indicate all nationalities, or it might indicate that Greek

107 _{Kristian Molin, ‘The Non-Military Functions of Crusader Fortifications, 1187-circa 1380’,}

Journal of Medieval History, 23 (1997), 367–88 (p. 386).

108 _{Barber, New Knighthood, pp. 217–18.}

109 _{Molin, ‘Crusader Fortifications’, p. 385.}

110 _{For further details see chapter IV, pp. 93–94.}

111 _{Remie Constable, ‘Funduq, Fondaco, and Khān’, pp. 153, 156; Katia Cytryn-Silverman,}

‘Khān al-āhir – bi-āhir al-Quds!’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland ,19 (2009), 149–71 (p. 158).

Orthodox and other non-Latin Christians would be sharing the facilities.113 The truce also attempted to limit the volume of pilgrim donations which might be used to restore the church or support the building of other religious dwellings within the town.114

The Muslim authorities used these hostels to control the visits of pilgrims to the Holy Places, both as a way of guaranteeing revenue from the visits and as a way to prevent military espionage and intelligence-gathering. The hostel for pilgrims to Jerusalem was called the Asnerie, a former Hospitaller stable located near to the Church of St Stephen, just outside the city walls. Its modern location is likely to have been near the Garden Tomb, or below the barrel vaults near the Byzantine church of St Stephen. It appears first in a document of 1163, in a charter witnessed by ‘Bernardus de Asinaria’, but its thirteenth-century incarnation is more fully described in ‘The City of Jerusalem’, a pre- 1187 text which was later inserted into the Chronicle of Ernoul.115 _{The post-1187} additions to the text descibed how the Asnerie acted as a holding point for pilgrims, providing accommodation to Latin pilgrims, who were not permitted to stay overnight in Jerusalem. From here, they were guided by Muslim guides into Jerusalem to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and back out again. Wilbrand of Oldenburg, stated that his pilgrim group were ‘compelled to enter’ (intrare compellebamur) this building when they arrived at Jerusalem and Thietmar seems to have been interned in the same area after being captured just outside Bethlehem.116

Burchard received hospitality, in the form of provisions, from the Orthodox monks in Sebaste, sixty-five miles north of Jerusalem and the site of John the Baptist’s beheading

113 _{Holt, Early Mamluk Diplomacy, p. 86.}

114 _{Holt, Early Mamluk Diplomacy, p. 86.}

115 _{Boas, Archaeology of the Military Orders, p. 48; Chronique d’Ernoul, p. 200. The}

Itinerarium Ricardi may be referring to this site when it noted that ‘illic fusis piis lacrymis et affectuosius illi loco fixis osculis properanter abscessimus, Turcis quoque nos abjicientibus, non modicum condolentes super pollutionibus quibus profanaverant sacra loca infidelium Turcorum equi irreventer illis stabiliti.’ Itinerarium Ricardi, p. 436.

and tomb.117 Thietmar also described staying in an Orthodox monastery (described as a pulchrum cenobium), on Mount Abarim, on his route to Mount Sinai.118 Latin Christians requesting hospitality from Eastern monks were frequent enough to merit a specific mention in monastic regulations (typika). The typikon of Mar Saba, an Orthodox monastery about thirteen miles outside Jerusalem, had a strong influence on those of the other monasteries. It included references to ‘the Franks’ (Latin Christians) who were permitted to join in with services at the monastery, but could not celebrate their own liturgy. They were to be offered hospitality for up to seven days.119 Such hospitality was made available to twelfth-century pilgrims and continued to be offered during the thirteenth century, when pilgrims had fewer Latin Christian alternatives.

Once outside the main pilgrimage routes, accommodation was more informal. Thietmar, who travelled beyond the Jordan and south towards Mount Sinai, described being offered hospitality by a poor Greek Christian woman and her local Greek Orthodox bishop, and later by a French widow, living in the shadow of Montreal.120 These not only provided him with accommodation, but provisioned him for his onward journey and directed him on the correct path to take.