P2: Secuencia de estados ocultos m´ as probable

6.3.4.1 Ancestors of PE modals

OE had no modal auxiliaries. As I have already mentioned in the previous section, all the PE modal auxiliaries derived from lexical main verbs. Warner (1993, 92) says that the OE ancestors of PE modal auxiliaries already appeared in constructions which can sometimes be translated using modem auxiliaries. Accordingly, they had at least some notional points of contact with their modem congeners, but their grammar was clearly much closer to that of non-auxiliary

verbs’"^. Pre-modals such as *sculan, willan, magan, and cunnan were simply

verbs in OE (see Lightfoot 1979, Roberts 1985).

Although some historical linguists like Mitchell (1985) use the label “modal auxiliary” for some OE verbs, the application of the term auxiliary to OE is problematic. The use of this term has traditionally been dependent on semantic equivalence, but modals in PE have formal syntactic properties which distinguish

them from lexical verbs. In negative sentences not is inserted after modals.

Direct questions are formed by preposing modals, while lexical verbs carmot be preposed, etc. As we show later, PE modals have developed from lexical verbs. However, the speed of the process of grammaticalization was different for

different verbs. Some verbs such as will resisted being used as a modal until

much later, while others acquired the properties of modals earlier.

As A nderson (p.c.) points out, gram m aticalization w as already far advanced a t th a t tim e, since m odals could be used as constructional equivalents to th e subjunctive.

The emergence of TP

The ancestral verbs of PE modals are enumerated below:

(51) Ancestors of PE modals

i. *sculan ^ shall *ScuIan was a full verb which meant to owe. From this

meaning developed the sense of obligation. Later it acquired the meaning of reference to the future.

ii. willan ^ will Willan was a full verb which meant to intend, or to want.

This willan could take a complement c l a u s e B e c a u s e futurity is closely

connected with volition and obligation, this verb was later extended to have future reference in ME.

iii. magan ^ may PE may derived from a full OE verb magan, which meant

to be physically strong enough to do.

iv. cuiman ^ can PE can developed from a full verb cunnan in OE, which

meant to know. Later, the meaning of this verb was extended to to know

how, be able of intellectual ability, and acquired modal meaning.

V. *m otan m u st Must d eriv ed fro m th e p a st te n s e form o f a full verb

*motanw h ich m ea n t to be permitted to.

6.3.4.2 Syntactic evidence

There is strong syntactic evidence to show that the ancestors of modal verbs in OE were lexical verbs. First, they could take a direct object and take a nonfinite form (infinitive):

A lthough I have argued in section 1 above th a t th e E ng h sh

language saw th e developm ent of hypotactic s tru c tu re up to th e point of embedding, both paratactic an d hypotactic stru c tu re s could occur in OE.

The emergence of TP

(52) he symble wyle god, and næfre nan yfel

he always desires good and never no evil

(Ælfric’s Lives i. 1.48) ‘he always desires good and never any evil’

(The gloss is from Warner 1993, 98)

(53) Leofre ys us beon beswungen for

dearer is us be flogged for

lare J)ænne hit ne cunnan

learning than it not know (INF) (Ælfnc’s Colloquy 8)

‘We would sooner be flogged for learning than not know it’ (The gloss is from Denison 1993, 309)

Secondly, there existed a perfect tense form like had mowte, although the

oldest attested example is from the ME period'^:

(54) I wold haue be thens, yef I had mowte (The Assembly 1951)

‘I would have been thence, if I had been able to’

Thirdly, in standard PE one modal cannot follow another. However, it was possible in earlier English. Note that the Ormulum was written around 1200:

(55) ...J)att I shall cunnenn cwemenn Godd (Ormulum 2958)

‘that I shall have the ability to please God’ (The gloss is from Denison 1993, 310)

A nderson (p.c.) h a s pointed out th a t it is difficult to reconcile the suggestion th a t pre-m odals could combine w ith a perfect ten se w ith the alleged absence of a perfect au x ih ary in OE. T his m ay be th e reason for th e la te r appearance of th e example.

The emergence of TP

Fourthly, it could take a present participle like masende, later mowing, :

(56) Quiens masende (Ælfric Gram, (z) 251 (OED))

queens competent

Although in PE modals have no inflections for the person/number of their

subjects, these verbs inflected according to their subjects, as seen in ic cann, pu

canst, we cunnon/ic mœg, pu meaht, (miht), we magon/ic wille, pu wilt, we willap.

When all the above constructions fell out of use, these verbs are supposed to have become established as modals around the 15th or 16th century.