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IV. 6 Unión Popular de Vendedores Ambulantes (UPVA) 28 de octubre

IV. 7.2 Panorama y aspectos generales del conflicto en el movimiento Antorchista

Two theories have been offered to explain the formation of delusions from a

psychological perspective (Bentall and Kaney, 1989). The first, proposed by Maher

(1974, 1988) suggests that delusions are a result of normal cognitive processes that

are attempting to explain abnormal perceptual events (e.g. hallucinations). For

example, it has been shown that deaf people may be more likely to be paranoid (e.g.

Kay, Cooper, Garside and Roth 1976). This may be due to the fact that if you are

unable to hear what people are saying there may be a tendency to believe that others

are talking about you (Bentall 1990b). However, Bentall and Kaney (1989) argue that

for holding delusional beliefs. The second approach has suggested that abnormal

reasoning may be associated with the formation of delusional beliefs. This approach

has focused on finding experimental evidence of reasoning biases in people with

delusions. Its findings are specifically relevant to the present study and so these

studies will be outlined in detail.

Huq, Garety and Hemsley (1988) examined the performance of deluded subjects on a

probabilistic reasoning task. In its most simplistic form, this type of task involves two

jars being filled with beads of two colours e.g. red and blue. The ratio of the number

of beads in each jar is different (e.g. 70 red and 30 blue in one jar, 30 red and 70 blue

in the other). The jars are then removed from sight and beads are then repeatedly

drawn, shown to the participant and replaced. The participant must guess which jar

the beads are being drawn from. Huq et al. (1988) found that deluded participants

made a decision more quickly (i.e. required less evidence) and were more confident in

their judgements. It was therefore suggested that this represented an abnormal

reasoning bias, with deluded subjects being more likely to reach decisions with

confidence based on very little evidence.

Dudley, John, Young and Over (1997) completed a probabilistic reasoning study

where participants were given all the information that they needed prior to the

experiment. In this experiment deluded participants reasoned in a similar way to

normal participants. However when deluded participants were allowed to determine

how much evidence they needed, they requested less evidence and showed a pattern

similar to that found by Huq et al (1988). Dudley et al (1997) therefore concluded that

decision on the basis of less evidence. They suggest that this may be related either to

an attempt to reduce their personal investment in the decision or that they may be less

willing to entertain other hypotheses or tolerate ambiguity.

Kaney and Bentall (1989) examined the attributional style of deluded individuals.

They note that studies have shown that depressed individuals tend to make internal,

stable and global attributions about events, particularly negative events. Kaney and

Bentall compared the attributional style of paranoid individuals, depressed individuals

and normal controls. The depressed patients showed the pattern just described, but the

deluded patients tended to make external attributions for negative events and internal

attributions for positive events. Deluded participants also made significantly more

external attributions for negative events than normal controls. The tendency to

attribute negative events to an external source and positive events to oneself has been

observed in the normal populations. However, this “self serving bias” was found by Kaney and Bentall to be more extreme in deluded participants than for normal

controls. Although this study used individuals with persecutory delusions a study by

Fear, Sharp and Healy (1996) showed a similar pattern for patients with non-

persecutory delusions.

Bentall, Kaney and Dewey (1991) asked deluded, normal and depressed individuals to

make attributions to explain social vignettes in which an actor behaves in a particular

way towards a target person. Participants could chose from three possible attributions;

person attributions (e.g. “Something about Sally caused her to say that she liked

Kim”), circumstance attributions (e.g. “Something about the circumstance made Sally

Sally say that she liked her”) (Bentall, Kaney and Dewey, 1991: pp. 16). Half the

items were positively valued and half negatively (e.g. Sally says she likes Kim, Sally

hits Kim). Participants were also given information about the situation. McArthur

(1972) had shown that normal subjects are more likely to attribute to the target person

not the actor if the information is distinctive to the target person (the actor does not

exhibit that behaviour to other people), consistent with the actors previous behaviour

to the target person and if there is a consensus about actions towards the target person

(other people behave that way towards the target person). Bentall, Kaney and Dewey

found that although all three groups were more likely to make person attributions in

the presence of low information (behaviour not distinctive or consistent and there is

not a consensus), deluded participants were more likely to make person attributions in

the presence of high contextual information. In other words, the deluded participants

were less likely to blame the victims than the other groups in the study, even when

information suggested that the action of the actor was in some way justifiable.

However, deluded subjects did make less person attributions in the presence of high

contextual information than they did when contextual information was low. This

shows that the deluded participants did take account for the differences in contextual

information. Bentall, Kaney and Dewey suggest that this demonstrates that deluded

subjects have a reasoning bias, not a deficit, as they were able to take account of the

information. Furthermore, the deluded participants were more confident in their

judgements. Bentall, Kaney and Dewey suggest that the unwillingness to blame the

victim in social situations may suggest that this serves a protective function.

Studies examining attributions made by deluded individuals have therefore shown that

events and internal attributions for positive events, and that in social situations that

did not involve themselves they were less likely to blame the victim. Lyon, Kaney and

Bentall (1994) further investigated the attributions of individuals experiencing

persecutory delusions. Consistent with previous findings, when deluded participants’

attributions for events were explicitly measured, they made external attributions for

negative events. However, participants were also asked to make attributions on

hypothetical vignettes that were presented as a memory test. It is argued that this

implicitly measures attributional style. On this measure, deluded participants scored in

a similar way to depressed participants, making more internal attributions for negative

events and making external attributions for positive events. Thus when attributions are

measured explicitly, deluded participants show an extreme form of a self serving bias

that is found in normal participants (i.e. a tendency to blame others for negative

events and to take credit for positive events). When attributions are implicitly

measured, this is reversed and deluded individuals show the same pattern as depressed

individuals. Lyon et al. (1994) argue that consistent with cognitive studies, explicit

measures take effort and make demands on attention, whereas implicit measures are

fast and effortless and do not make demands on attention. They suggest that this is

similar to the distinction between conscious and unconscious processes outlined by

psychoanalytic theory. This raises the possibility that persecutory delusions serve a

defensive purpose that protects against a negative self-concept. This has been further

investigated by the use of Stroop tests, outlined below.

Bentall and Kaney (1989) compared the performance of paranoid deluded, depressed

and normal participants on an emotional Stroop test. In a Stroop test, lists of words

word, and the time taken to do this for the whole list is measured. In Bentall and

Kaney’s study, the words were either a series of Os, emotionally neutral words,

depressive words or threat related (paranoid) words. Studies have shown that

depressive subjects take longer to complete the task when they are reading depressive

words (e.g. Gotlib and McCann 1984), as the meaning of the words and the colours

compete for attention (Bentall and Kaney, 1989). Bentall and Kaney found that

depressed subjects took longer to complete the list of depressive words, and paranoid

subjects took longer to complete the list of threat related words. This suggests that

paranoid individuals show an attentional bias to threat related words. It is also

interesting to note that the model of PTSD outlined earlier by Brewin et al (1996)

suggested that premature inhibition of traumatic events is likely to lead to a bias

towards threat related information.

In a fiirther study by Kinderman (1994), participants were asked to state from a list of positive and negative words, whether they felt the words were like them or not.

Deluded participants endorsed more positive words and less negative words than

depressed individuals. Some of these words were then used to form positive and

negative lists of words in a Stroop test. On the Stroop test, deluded participants

showed a slower performance on positive and negative words than they did for neutral

words. Depressed individuals were only slower for negative words and normal

participants showed no differences. The Stroop test can be considered an implicit

measure of whether words were personally meaningful, and the endorsement of words

an explicit measure. Thus when asked explicitly deluded participants were less likely

to endorse negative words, but the Stroop test suggests these words did have personal

et al. (1994) suggesting that persecutory delusions may defend against a negative self-

concept.

The studies presented here have therefore demonstrated that deluded individuals have

a tendency to jump to conclusions based on very little evidence. They have also

demonstrated an explicit tendency to attribute negative events to external sources,

positive events to themselves and to be less likely to blame the victim in situations

that do not involve themselves. However, when attributions are measured implicitly,

studies suggest that deluded individuals do make internal attributions for negative

events.

Bentall, Kinderman and Kaney (1994) note that depression is characterised by a gulf between one’s perception of oneself and an ideal view of oneself. They suggest that

persecutory delusions may be a result of trying to reduce that gap. Bentall et al (1994)

note that it is well established that self-concept develops during childhood and that

parents have a crucial role in its development. They therefore suggest that the findings

of the studies above imply that there is a need to research how family processes might

be implicated in the development of the cognitive biases shown by deluded

individuals.

1.7 Psychotic Symptoms as a Defence against Adverse