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As previously stated the primary aim of this thesis is to explore how social capital and social networks influence the patterns of movement of Zimbabwean migrants into, within, and out of the South African farm labour market, and to advance the understanding of how these are important to migrants’ access to food and other livelihood opportunities. The thesis postulates three key questions; namely, a) How do Zimbabwean migrants find work on commercial farms in Limpopo? (b) What is the role of social capital and social networks in the movement of undocumented Zimbabwean migrants into, within and out of the farm labour market? and, (c) How relevant are social capital and social networks in facilitating irregular Zimbabwean migrants’ access to food and other livelihood opportunities? The basis for anchoring the thesis on these three questions is explained below.

(a) How do Zimbabwean migrants find work on commercial farms in South Africa?

The literature, as presented in Chapter 2, has revealed that high dependence on migrant labour remains a key feature of the South African farm labour market, which has however has changed in form and structure over the years – from a situation where undocumented migrants were forced to work on farms as punishment for illegally crossing the border (Fine, 2014; Department of Labour, 2007), to a situation where commercial farms have become an attractive labour market because of the migrants’ own socio-economic circumstances (Bolt, 2015; Addison, 2014). We have also learnt that methods of labour recruitment have not been static – from being an elaborate word-of-mouth information network where farmworkers would tell each other where to look for work and whom to avoid along the process (McDonald, 2000), to a system which relied heavily on labour brokerage (Benjamin, 2013), to a situation where refugee camps in the border town of Musina became hunting grounds for white farmers looking

for migrant farmworkers (Derman & Kaarhus, 2013), and then a mixed recruitment system scenario. From a background of these dynamics, it is therefore important to understand the motivation to move, and contemporary strategies that are being used by irregular Zimbabwean migrants to find work on the farms. In order to establish these with fairness, the thesis asks three primary questions, i.e.; what are the migration factors that push Zimbabwean migrants into the South Africa farm labour market? what entry routes do irregular Zimbabweans use to cross the border into South Africa? and how do they end up being on the farms?

(b) What is the role of social capital and social networks in the movement of undocumented Zimbabwean migrants into, within and out of the farm labour market?

Previous research has shown that paternalistic and clientelist relationships between the farmer and farmworkers, and among social classes of Zimbabwean migrants working on the farms are key features of the farm labour market. These relationships determine working and living conditions as well as the mobility of farmworkers (Bolt, 2015; Addison, 2014). My thesis will thus explore this further by asking two specific questions; (a) What forms social capital and social networks exist among Zimbabwean migrants in the Blouberg-Molemole area? and What role do these play in the mobility of Zimbabwean migrants into, within and out of the farm labour market?

(c) How relevant are social capital and social networks in facilitating irregular Zimbabwean migrants’ access to food and other livelihood opportunities?

From the pre-colonial period, the quest for improved livelihoods and food security has always been a key characteristic feature on migration patterns within the Southern Africa (Wilson, 1976). However, the role of migration a strategy to improve livelihoods has narrowly been studies – with researches mainly focusing on the contribution of remittances and forget the food security and livelihood situation in areas of destination. There is need to understand food security and livelihoods from the migrants’ perspective, particularly examining how social ties and other forms of social capital facilitate their access to food and other opportunities. The stated research question was unpacked and responded to during the research by answering specific questions like; where do Zimbabwean migrants working on commercial farms in the Blouberg-Molemole area get food? How do they get to the sources of food? What is the role of on-farm and off-farm social networks in the provisioning of food for the Zimbabwean farmworkers? and besides farm work, what other livelihood strategies do Zimbabwean farmworker employ? I drew on the concepts of food environments and geographic vulnerability

in analysing the food security situation of Zimbabwean migrants in the Blouberg-Molemole area.

In order to answer the three key questions above, I followed an ethnographic methodology which employed mixed qualitative data collection techniques. As I will elaborate further in the following section, using this approach did not only enable me to obtain a rich and detailed understanding of Zimbabwean migrant farmworkers’ experiences but it was also the most appropriate methodology which enabled me to closely examine and interpret the farmworkers’ social context and then come up with intuitive conclusions.