Social class is commonly measured primarily by occupation and/or income and/or family educational attainment. But an understanding of social class effects on food preferences and consumption of Maltese children and families may prove to be challenging. This is especially so given the generally high standard of living of most families and the broad middle SES band in Malta. This is not to say that there are no class differences (i.e. no differences in income or educational attainment), but only a few families fall in the lower or higher SES bands. In the case of Malta, therefore, one cannot assert as Logue (1991) did that across different socio-economic classes within a single culture food preferences vary widely.
Table 17 combines the results of two studies on the relationship between social class and food consumption in Northern European countries (Calnan & Cant, 1990; Mennell, Murcott &
van Otterloo, 1992). These studies uncovered certain trends, which may or may not apply to Malta. Common findings were the differences between social classes in the variety of food
62 TABLE 17
Food Behaviour Similarities And Differences According To Socio-Economic Group
High SES Middle SES Middle And Low SES Low SES
Families consume a greater range and variety of foodstuffs
Families more likely to be vegetarian
Women largely responsible for food shopping and cooking
Consume a diet with higher amounts of animal fats
Families consume a diet closer to existing food-based
recommendations for vegetables, fruit and meat
Women more likely to buy
‘healthy diet’ items
Wife largely responsible for providing for ‘healthy eating’
Families remain closer to
‘traditional’ ideas concerning links between food, health and status
Families more likely to consume alcohol at meals
Families use frying, rather than baking or grilling
Men seem more involved in food selection and food purchasing decisions
Women’s concern with weight loss expressed more frequently
Women focus on food quality Women more price conscious
Women have no limitation on food budget
Women work within a food budget
(Adapted from Calnan & Cant, 1990; Mennell, Murcott & van Otterloo, 1992)
available, the nutritive value of the diet, food decisions and food budgets. However, in both middle- and working-class families it was the wife’s responsibility to shop for food, cook and to provide for healthy eating. In a separate study, using education as the measure of SES (Roos et al., 1996), adults’ intake of vegetables, fruits and berries (considered by the researchers as the more ‘modern’ foods) increased with increasing status. In contrast, adults’ intake of milk, bread and potatoes (considered as the more ‘traditional’ foods) fell with increasing status.
The research on relationships between adults’ social class and eating patterns is growing (especially in Mediterranean countries) and it is relevant to my research because adults are food providers for children (Turrell, 1998; Sanchez-Villegas et al., 2003a, 2003b; Vannoni et al., 2003). However, at the start of my study, research on young children’s SES and food choices and behaviours was minimal. Table 18 highlights the findings from studies with British, German and US children, comparing socio-economic differences in perceptions, preferences and/or intake of fruits, vegetables, sweets and snack foods and eating out practices (Neale, Otte & Tilston, 1994, Kirby et al., 1995; Neale, Otte & Tilston, 1998). A pattern which seemed to be evident was the lower availability – amount and variety – of fresh and frozen fruit and vegetables and the higher preference and intake of confectionery items amongst lower class children. However, more high class German children preferred to increase their intake of sweets. One suggestion forwarded by the researchers for this deviation from the pattern was that sweet consumption was severely constrained by high class parents, so the children’s response was a reaction to this strict regimen.
In fact, a number of researchers have studied social class influences on the food rules that mothers impose on their children (van Otterloo & van Ogtrop, 1989; de Vault, 1991; de Bourdeaudhuij, 1997; Hupkens et al., 1998). Often using education as the classifying variable, class differences emerged mainly in the case of food restrictions, but not in the case of prescriptions. The higher class mothers applied more food rules in general. They also restricted more unhealthy foods, but prescribed as many healthy foods as lower class mothers. Within the category of prescribed foods, lower class mothers on a tight budget tended to serve foodstuffs and meals liked by their children much more than higher class mothers, as they could not afford to purchase foods which might be wasted if their children refused them. Irrespective of class, the majority of mothers prescribed mostly foods which were served at dinner (like meat and vegetables), deeming these as particularly important for their children’s health. Foods that most mothers limited, either did not form a component
64 TABLE 18
Differences In Children’s Food Perceptions, Preferences And Intake According To Socio-Economic Group
Nationality High SES Middle SES Low SES All SES Groups
British
Large variety of fruit and vegetables regularly available in the home
Large variety of fruit and vegetables regularly time for eating fruit and vegetables
of a proper meal, or could easily be substituted by a foodstuff which fitted better in a healthy diet. In one local study, 61% of Maltese parents reported that they put pressure on their primary school aged children to eat certain foods and 28% believed that their children choose certain foods because they encouraged them to do so (Costa, 1998).
Social class distinctions amongst schoolchildren in relation to food behaviours in different contexts have also been explored (Prattala, 1988; Thomas, 1991; Watt & Sheiham, 1997).
In research amongst British schoolchildren, consumption of typical meal items was consistent with their adult caregivers’ consumption. However, when consumption of so- called ‘youth foods’ were considered there was very little difference by social class (Thomas, 1991). Similarly, in research with Finnish adolescents on fat and sugar consumption, strong SES relationships emerged for foods adolescents ate at home, whereas those foods bought outside the home were independent of family SES background (Prattala, 1988). Thomas (1991) concluded that “this dichotomy between adult foods (usually eaten at meals) and peer-oriented perception and use of foods may have important implications for those involved in nutrition education” (p. 53).
Another area where there is ambiguity with regard to social class differences in Malta is eating out. Research has shown that many families eat outside the home on Saturday evening (Costa, 1998). At the same time, many of the fast food places and corner take-aways also seem very busy during the week. According to Wood (1995), “While dining out remains for many a special occasion marked by specific rituals, for others it is an
increasingly routine activity that is integral to daily patterns of existence” (p. 81). However, Wood seems to be equivocal as to class distinction in ‘dining out’ patterns. On the one hand he insists that although there has been substantial differentiation in the ‘dining out’ market according to product (pizza, pasta, hamburgers, Chinese food, all-you-can-eat buffets, corner take-aways, food stalls etc.), it would be a mistake to believe that families from all classes are patrons of all these outlets. On the other hand, he admits that - in the UK at least - all parents irrespective of social class often succumb to their children’s pleas to visit McDonald’s or Burger King. As explained earlier, the latter practice would also very likely be common amongst Maltese families. Of note is that massification has been singled out as one aspect of contemporary society which has led to the dwindling of class differences in food consumption behaviours (Warde, 1997).
2.3.3.3 Beyond SES: Parental Influence On Children’s Food Preferences And Intake