Patrones o estilos arquitectónicos presentes en la propuesta de solución

7.5.1 Survey results

To understand the responses to climate-related shocks and stressors, respondents were asked to indicate (from list) any changes they had made towards their arable practices (see Chapter 5, section 5.2.4 for percentage of households growing crops and gardening in each site) in response to climate-related shocks and stressors experienced within the last two years (see Chapter 6, Figure 6.2). The use of social capital, once again, proved to be an important response strategy as sharing labour and exchanging resources amongst one another were the most common changes made by respondents (Figure 7.2). The use of labour sharing and exchanges are fundamental elements of human adaptation processes noted by Thornton and Manasfi (2010) (see Chapter 2, Table 2.1).

In Willowvale, more people decreased the size of their gardens in response to increased water insecurity, whereas in Lesseyton increasing and decreasing the size of their gardens got an almost equal response. Both sites were similar when changing the types of crops they had planted and using new farming methods. There was some evidence of diversification, mainly in Lesseyton, through crop diversification. The use of rationing was evident in both sites where respondents reduced the amount of fertilisers and pesticides used to save money. The increased use of rainwater tanks in Lesseyton can be explained by the higher income levels and better service delivery compared to Willowvale.

132 Figure 7.2. Changes made towards respondents’ farming methods in the past two years as a result of hardship

7.5.2 Life history interviews

In response to shocks and stressors (climate-related in particular), respondents mentioned a variety of strategies used (Table 7.10). Purchasing more goods from shops due to poor harvests (see Chapter 5, Figure 5.3; HH25), walking or travelling further to collect water (Table 7.9, HH56, HH66), and relying on family or neighbours for assistance (HH42) were common response strategies used. There were a few interesting comments made during the life history interviews (see Appendix 1). Some respondents in both sites believed that there was nothing that could be done in response to livestock disease/death, crop failure, crop pests and rainfall variability, especially in Willowvale (Table 7.10, HH79, HH83), as they believed they had no control over the climate and therefore had to accept associated impacts. This raises concern over the lack of knowledge of adaptation in the context of climate change.

However, some respondents in Lesseyton seemed to be slightly more adaptive in that they had tried to change their farming practices in response to rainfall variability, crop failure and crop pests, whereas in Willowvale, seeking assistance was done more often.

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133 Table 7.10. Insights and quotes from personal narratives of issues relating to food insecurity and farming

Households Theme: Responding to farming and food security-related shocks and stressors

Lesseyton HH25

Male (age: 25) I do have livestock and crops. The grass dries and the crops die.

There is no harvest. I have to buy vegetables from the shops. I do not have the money. There is no grass and there is no water for them.

I search in the mountains for water springs and draw water for domestic use. I have to buy vegetables from the shops.

Willowvale HH56 Female (age: 67)

The government has provided the community with communal taps but sometimes they dry up and one is forced to go to the river to fetch water. These places are no longer safe, they are spots for criminals.

Willowvale HH66

Female (age: 65) We are starving because we cannot get a good harvest. I use my pension to buy basics from the shop.

When taps are dry, we fetch water from the river. Crops do not grow well without water. It is hard to fetch water from the river to use for watering. The river is far.

Lesseyton HH42

Male (age: 42) It is different now; we get assistance from the municipality; water trucks deliver water to the village and we fill containers so that we don’t run short of water soon. We battle when the water truck does not arrive. Those who have a bakkie assist us and load our containers and look for fountains that have not dried up.

When there is drought, I would plant a small area as there would be no water to water the plants.

If I don’t have money to buy pesticides, I would use cold ash from the fire as pesticide.

Willowvale HH83

Male (age: 51) We water the crops in the small gardens; but there’s nothing we can do to help the crops in the fields, we just watch them die. You can never water the fields.

Willowvale HH79

Male (age: 80) There is nothing I can do, I will have to just watch them die.

Lesseyton HH36

Female (age: 77) This year – yes we did experience drought. Livestock died. Those who have money buy feed for their stock.

7.5.3 Discussion: coping and adaptation in response to farming and food security-related shocks and stressors

Studies have shown that in response to short-term environmental variability, rapid coping strategies are employed by individuals and households (Hug and Reid, 2004; Thomas et al., 2005). In both study sites, there was evidence of households making small adjustments to their farming practices in response to changes in climatic factors (Figure 7.2). There was some evidence of households adapting by spreading risk in the form of crop diversification

134 and searching for alternative water sources (Table 7.10, HH25, HH42). Also, the use of existing family or friendship networks was common amongst households. A study by Thomas et al. (2005) distinguishes response strategies made by small-scale rural farmers into coping and longer-term adaptation. Changes made to farming practices were largely seen as coping strategies (such as reducing fertiliser use (Figure 7.2)), whereas commercialisation of livelihoods (such as a new business, gardening projects, or switching to hardier breeds or varieties), diversifying livelihoods and creating new networks (structural social capital) were seen as adaptation (Thomas et al., 2005). Thomas et al. (2005) also showed that households’

immediate response to dry spells was to reduce investment or even to stop cropping, as households believed it to be too risky. This trend was evident in Lesseyton and Willowvale, as shown by the increased reliance on purchased goods (Chapter 5, Figure 5.3).

Climate change and variability is altering the productivity of natural and cultivated resources.

This has (and will increasingly continue to have) implications for resource dependent communities (Marshall et al., 2012). Studies have shown that implementing incremental changes or short-term reactive coping strategies may not be sufficient, and rather, there is a need to consider innovative and transformative strategies (as discussed in Chapter 2;

Gunderson and Holling, 2002; Park et al., 2012; Rickards and Howden, 2012), such as perennial crops, especially in the context of climate change and HIV/AIDS. The dominant use of short-term reactive coping strategies and the apparent lack of proactive strategies adopted amongst respondents have severe consequences for future household vulnerability within Lesseyton and Willowvale.