Introduction
This thesis set out to examine the ways the original ideas of Montessori have been reworked to situate Montessori's reemergence as a viable model within different historical and social contexts. A case study, investigating the establishment and development of a Montessori early childhood centre, materially illustrates how the "Montessori paradigm is culture sensitive and highly adaptable. The adaptability is why the Montessori approach is effective in diverse settings" (Barron, 1992, p. 276). Nonetheless, as already argued in Chapter 4, the integration of Montessori education within any country results in a culturally specific Montessori education (Rambusch & Stoop, 1992). This chapter examines the establishment and development of a Montessori early childhood centre, during the second phase of Montessori in New Zealand from the mid-1970s up until 2000. The main aim is to investigate how the policies and practices of the administration of the centre supported the delivery of high quality early childhood education in accordance with the Montessori philosophy. A secondary aim is to consider how Government policies impacted upon the development of Montessori education in New Zealand. Accordingly, the chapter begins with an overview of the development of Government policy in the early childhood sector during the 1970s.
Education Policy Developments During the 1970s
During the 1970s when Montessori centres were being established in New Zealand early childhood education policy development was gaining impetus. Montessori early childhood centres became part of the Early Childhood Care and Education
sector, a term which was later changed to Early Childhood Education, indicating the unity between the functions of education and care. Montessori centres were classified as childcare and were under the control of the Department of Social Welfare. This was the case for any new curriculum model other than the two main forms of early childhood education, Kindergarten and Playcentre.
Childcare was not regarded as an educational enterprise despite incorporating a range of early childhood programmes including private kindergartens and, from the mid-1970s, Montessori. In 1970 the government initiated its first Committee of Inquiry in early childhood education since the 1947 Bailey report. The Report of the Consultative Committee on Preschool Education, which became known as the Hill report, was released in 1971. Although noting a growth in childcare rather than preschool education the main focus was to "rationalise and strengthen play centre and kindergarten" (May, 2001, p. 111). Government funding was needed to meet the increased demand for places. Increased funding meant more state intervention to ensure better co-ordination along with the recognition of the benefits of an early childhood education. As May (2001, p. 111) put it, this fit in with " governmental ideals of achieving equality of opportunity". There was also the realisation that the push for provision of early childhood services such as Montessori was heavily reliant on community initiative but that this was only happening in middle-class localities.
In 1975 David Barney's book, Who Gets to Pre-School ? gave an overview of preschool attendance, highlighting how geography, socio-economic class and ethnicity factors impacted upon this. Barney demonstrated that although attendance was high, 46 percent of three-and-four-years olds were attending some form of early childhood programme in 1973, certain areas in the country had no facilities. He argued that the traditional programmes, kindergartens and
playcentres, needed to adapt their philosophy and structures to meet new challenges. Barney further noted the increased demand and growth of childcare.
It could be that these traditional pre-school groups are the most appropriate ones to run full-day facilities. It would represent a major change in thinking for the great majority of adherents of both groups. In fact, it would not be an innovation for kindergartens, which have a history, going back many decades, of providing lunches, afternoon naps, and afternoon walks for 'full-day' clients (Barney, 1975, p. 282) [italics in original] .
Adaptation of kindergartens and playcentres did not take place. Instead new needs were met by new services including Montessori.
According to May (2001), the 1970s was a time when early childhood issues were linked with issues of equality for women, particularly during the 1975 United Nations International Women's Year. These issues became prominent in the political arena but change was slow with major policy shifts not occurring until the late 1980s.
During the mid-seventies a number of conferences encouraged a collective early childhood voice amongst early childhood organisations. In 1975 the Labour government held the Educational Development Conference, with the aim of encouraging debate around the country on education. The key recommendation for early childhood was "that provision be made for early childhood education to be available to all children" (May, 2001, p. 112).
Another important event in 1975 was the first early childhood convention held in Christchurch. The keynote address by William 1. Renwick, Director General of Education, entitled Early Childhood Education: A Moving Frontier, outlined three reports that indicated shifts in the field. The first was the 1971 Hill Report. The second was the 1972 Labour Party Manifesto, which used the term early childhood
education to include other programmes beside kindergarten and playcentre. Lastly he mentioned the 1975 Report of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Women's Rights where childrearing issues were debated. His speech indicated that change was on the way but this proved to be a very slow process (May, 2001).
The Prime Minister's Conference on Women in Social and Economic Development in Wellington was held in early 1976. This was an important conference due to agreement on two premises. Firstly, raising children was the joint responsibility of both parents. Secondly, that it was in the best interests of children and society as a whole if both men and women were to participate in all levels of the sector of early childhood care and education (May, 2001, pp. 124-125). The substantial and persistent challenges encountered in establishing the Montessori case study centre was due to the commitment and involvement of both parents.
In 1978 Massey University hosted a New Zealand/Organisation for Economic Co Operation and Development (OECD) conference on early childhood care and education. During the conference the idea of diversity involving co-operation between services was an important aspect. Another point that emerged was that New Zealand did not have an "overall strategy or framework", highlighting how weak the state sector's role was in management and provision (Meade cited in May, 2001, p. 126).
During the 1979 International Year of the Child the second Early Childhood Convention was held in Christchurch. Professor Urie Bronfenbrenner was the keynote speaker and he introduced New Zealanders to the ideas in his recently published book, The Ecology of Human Development (1979a). He stated that "if it is only the Year of the Child alone then it will be a year of loneliness for children and an ill omen for their future and ours" (Bronfenbrenner, 1979b, p. 1). Bronfenbrenner advocated a "curriculum for caring" whereby the carers of
children needed to have caring activities carried out for them in the community (Bronfenbrenner, 1979b, p. 10). In addition Bronfenbrenner emphasised that children develop within a complex system of relationships, which are affected by multiple levels of the surrounding environment.
May (2001, p. 128) believes his visit was timely for the early childhood sector.
He was suggesting a theoretical framework that encompassed diverse family styles of childrearing (the microsystem), existing within an increasingly wider social and cultural network of relationships (the mesosystem) and political and economic structures (the exosystem). This allowed different early childhood groups to see a place and a role for themselves, whereas earlier developmental theories had judged particular early childhood institutions as acceptable or unacceptable according to the time spent by children in the daily presence of their mothers. The ' changing model' for early childhood services was moving beyond the provision of preschool education for the benefit of the child alone. A range of services should provide 'caring support' to children, families and communities.
According to Chisnall (2002) the Montessori movement in New Zealand with only a handful of centres established was not in a position to engage with Bronfenbrenner's ideas in relation to Montessori's writings. This was a function of the small number of centres rather than resistance to outside input that was characteristic of the Montessori movement in an effort to sustain the Montessori method.
The Establishment and Development of A Montessori Early Childhood Centre
Government Early Childhood policy during the 1970s provides the essential background to the following case study of one of the few Montessori centres during this period. In outlining the evolution of this Montessori centre, school records were used, along with interviews with former Montessori teachers and parents. Pseudonyms were used for each of the interviewees to protect their
privacy. The Montessori early childhood centre was not named, as stipulated by the Massey University Human Ethics Committee (MUHEC) (see Chapter 1). A non-participant observation approach provided a firsthand account of the contemporary operation of the centre during 1999-2000. Combined with interviewing, observation, and document analysis, this allowed for a holistic interpretation.
The Montessori early childhood centre used for this study is situated in a provincial North Island city. Like other Montessori centres established during this time, this centre was a local do-it-yourself venture. A strong community ' do-it yourself' base was evident in other New Zealand early childhood services (Cullen, 1996). For instance, during the mid-1970s, Playcentres were at the height of their popularity and were more numerous than kindergartens. They opened through the "combined efforts of local parents and regional Playcentre associations committed to ensuring provision of early childhood alongside parent education" (Stover, 1997, p. 53). To further illustrate the active role of parents, the rapid growth of the Kohanga Reo movement in the early 1980s was "something not seen before in the history of early childhood provision in New Zealand. By 1985 there were 377 kohonga reo catering for approximately 5800 children. That they were mainly local do-it-yourself ventures was not unusual for new early childhood endeavours" (May, 2001, p. 181).
The majority of founding Montessori parents were well educated, with qualifications ranging from university lecturers, scientist, librarian, primary and secondary teachers, electrician, journalist and a potter. Middle to upper-socio economic groups tend to have more time and money to invest and develop early childhood programmes that suit their needs, while parents from lower socio economic groups may not have the same resources.
When Montessori's ideas were first implemented in Rome the 'Children's Houses' served not only the needs of poor Urban Italian children and their parents, but also the wider community and its business interests (see Chapter 2). The organisation and running of the programme were primarily in the hands of Montessori and her associates. In contrast the initiators of the case study centre were very different as will be illustrated throughout the chapter. Parents played an active role in running the centre and shaping the programme to suit their needs.