The study found that 60% of the children came from polygamous families of 5-10 children. Only one third of the children came from families with between 1 and 4 children.
The children from large families in the study areas were at a higher risk of being involved in child labour practices than those from smaller families. Nyabyeya was reported to have larger families (43%) in comparison to Kasongoire (32%) and Nyantonzi (39%).The older children of polygamous families in Nyabyeya tended to engage in full-time work to supplement the income used to take younger siblings to school.
Fafchamps and Wahba (2006:394) adds that the larger the numbers of children in a household, the more the older children tend to work in comparison to the younger ones. Older children serve as substitutes for adult labour in times of food shortage and the illness of an adult. Children, especially those who live in and around urban centres, spend more than half of their time working instead of going to school.
The study showed that out of the 30 households sampled, 6 had between 11 and 20 children each. Twelve families had 5-10 children, 8 had 1-4 children and 4 did not have any children. It was found that in the case of 18 families with more than 5 children, the children were involved in child labour. The families with fewer than 4 children had fewer children involved in child labour. The study further found that in the 12 families with 5-10 children, 1-2 children were attending school and the rest were involved in work. The 6 families that had more than 10 children, had 2-3 children involved in work-related activities, and the rest were at school.
This suggests that families with a bigger number of children fail to provide all the needs of the family, thus forcing these children to go out and work.
The parents’ responses showed that most families in Masindi were large, from 5-12 children, some of whom worked for up to 8 hours each day. Although children were involved in work, all 60 parents said they did not enjoy having their children missing school. The parents said the children had to help in maintaining the homes in order to survive. One parent from Nyabyeya with 13 children said, “I can’t afford to feed all my children and take them to school with the little I make.
The older ones should study up to primary 4 and then work full-time to help with feeding and educating the siblings.” One parent from Nyantonzi said,
”Although I want all my children to study, they can’t because they have to help me with work on the farm so that the family survives.”
During group interviews, parents were asked if they had children who worked and what their hours were. All 60 parents said that their older children worked
and for longer hours than the younger ones. First-born children worked full-time and did not attend school at all because they were responsible for their siblings.
Similarly, during group interviews, children who worked for longer hours said they came from families of more than 6 children and were of low economic status.
Fafchamps and Wahba (2006: 394-395) contend that children who are older than the rest are usually expected to work and help in the upkeep and education of their siblings. If a child is older than the rest, whether male or female, he/she is expected to work. Fafchamps and Wahba carried out an investigation into the order of birth and the results showed that a decrease in work participation was noticed with the descending birth order. Despite the fact that the younger children performed fewer duties than the older ones in the family, child labour was evident and was still practised. The more children in a household, the more the older children tended to work in comparison to the younger ones.
In addition, Mehrotha and Biggeri (2002:4) report that UNICEF carried out a survey in India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Philippines and Thailand to determine the magnitude of child labour in home-based manufacturing activities. Although in most of the named countries, statistics on home-based manufacturing were scarce, UNICEF generally noted that India and Pakistan, whose economic growth was slow, had a higher incidence of child labour than countries with faster-growing economies. Each child born in economies with a slow growth had a burden to carry from birth. Most of the children had the same responsibility as an adult and had to contribute to the family income. The experience of children born to contribute to family income can be passed on from generation to generation, with parents determining and influencing the work a child does. In the study area during group interviews, all 30 parents agreed that they preferred to have as many children as possible because children looked after them financially when they grew old.
Mehrotha and Biggeri (2002:4) state that in India and Pakistan, statistics showed that children born in large families had a burden to carry from birth. The study therefore agrees with Mehrotha and Biggeri.
Togunde and Newman (2005:5-13) also find that parents desire more children if a child who works longer hours is given a good amount of money to take home.
The money taken home puts a smile on the faces of parents, giving the child a wrong impression that working and gaining experience is a better thing than school attendance. It is absurd that the economic realities among the poor reinforce the utilisation of child labour.