The audio content includes oral histories from the archive of the Hayle Oral History Project plus memories and expert interviews made specifically for the app. In addition to first-person accounts the content included: a seven-part fictional narrative called Minnie’s Story;
a five-part guerrilla takeover by the ‘Counter Tourist’; three interactive questions; a layered field recording loop (with sounds recorded around Hayle); a musical loop (also containing Hayle field recordings);35 three original songs;36 a live map that locates the participant at all times; and images or a series of images that show with each new story. The initial interface had ‘pause’, ‘play’ and ‘skip’ buttons and a timeline to indicate visually how long the story was. I introduced the ‘pause’ button after trying out other apps with friends. If they wanted to speak to me I had had to miss content or ignore or delay them. All choices were
uncomfortable and disrupted the experiences. A ‘play’ button was needed to replay the
35 The acousmatic musical loop was created by Philip Reeder.
36 The songs were written and performed by Thirty Pounds of Bone, Johny Lamb.
paused content and ‘skip’ allowed the user to leave a story. A button toggled between the live map to the image that also contained a panel of information of who was talking.
Figure 34: The app interface showing the on-screen buttons to control the audio if needed, otherwise the audio starts automatically triggered by GPS. The screen can be tapped to remove the buttons so that the whole image can be seen. A replay button was added to the published app, the third evaluation version, after
requests from participants. Photographs are screenshots from the Hayle Churks app (Frears 2013a).
Most locative media research has concentrated on sound-only apps often located in a connected urban setting. This research uses image and is set in a marginal area on the edge of town in a semi-rural coastal location. The order in which each participant hears the content depends on her personal route around the site, although the drift (undirected movement) transformed into a suggested marked route in later iterations.
The discussion of the rationale for how content was selected for the app is intertwined with a response to the research question using the methods and conceptual framework. For that reason more information on the content is detailed here before describing the making and results of the first evaluation. The content can be used as a reference throughout all the evaluations as certain aspects are removed or appear throughout the process.
6.2.1.1 Oral histories
Oral histories are also referred to as memories and first-person accounts throughout the thesis. Memories are often used as a method within research (Abrams 2010: 1). In this practice they are the main app content, voiced instead of transcribed. Oral histories are embodied forms of history that are often viewed as unreliable (Abrams 2010: 5) due to
‘faulty memory’ (Portelli 1991: 52). Alessandro Portelli challenges this assumption. He
142 points out that documents taken as verifiable are often written ‘sometime after the event […] and often by non-participants’ (Portelli 1991: 52).
All the memories used in the first evaluation came from the Hayle Oral History Project (HOHP) that I coordinated part-time as the only employee between December 2008-10.
Funding was awarded by Heritage Lottery Fund (HLF) to record 100 memories through community involvement and to create a publication. The activities and interpretation of memories, for example making them into animations with university undergraduates, interactive community events such as talks, walks, exhibitions, intergenerational interviewing, carnival participation (that won a prize) and multimedia book style and content, were my design. Volunteers I trained helped to gather, record and transcribe memories of over 100 people in the Hayle area. All the stories used in the app, except for five, were those I recorded. The reasons for this are both practical and personal. At the start of the project there was a need to start interviewing before all volunteers had been
recruited and trained, as some older residents were considered at risk of becoming unable to share their stories. There were also some recommendations of people to interview that were acted on swiftly and these were often great natural storytellers. On reflection there was another rationale behind my decision to include certain interviews in the app – the personal interaction and connection I had made with the interviewees and their stories and how embodied listening had affected my memory.
An aim of HOHP was to interview the oldest people in Hayle first. The most memorable event of people in this age group was the Second World War. Hayle’s main story comes, as mentioned in the previous chapter on Hayle (Chapter 5 p. 104), before the war, before living memory – the competition between inventive but rival foundries Harvey’s of Hayle and Cornish Copper Company that split the town in the 18th and 19th centuries, a split that is still tangible today. One of HLF’s required outputs was to publish some of the memories in a book. Unable to replace the book with an interactive document that played media, I
included a multimedia disc (interview recordings, transcripts and moving image) at the back of the first edition, to put aurality back into the oral histories (Zembrzycki 2013: 100). Oral histories need to be listened to, not merely recorded and transcribed. Memories contain more than personal stories of place; they capture dying accents, colloquial expressions, vocabulary, the pace, pronunciation and tone of speech – the essence of place. As I
transcribed the recordings to use in the HOHP book I fought with how to write the voices into life on the page and how dropped ‘h’s and Cornish grammar could portray the speakers once on the page (Bender 2002: S111). To walk through voices and the sound of place they contain using the app puts them back into the community and landscape to create ‘living history’ (Pollock 2005: 1 emphasis in original), an ‘active archive’ (Lorimer 2003 in Butler 2007: 370).
The way memories are recounted is usually nonlinear, jumping between events and themes rather than following a ‘linear chronological sequence’ (Portelli 1991: 63-65). The app is also nonlinear. Memories from different decades, different themes and different points of view were placed next to each other connected only by place. Before a route was created, after the first evaluation, when the app encouraged directionless walking or drifting, the walker triggered different stories depending on their route and pace. There was no guaranteed sequence of clips. There is not a narrator to provide context, coherence or a linear history in any of the app iterations. A note appears on the screen identifying speakers and historical information is written onto some of the closer zoom levels of the map. The app experience isn’t a historical tour of Hayle, it is an experiential haunting of place. Voices fade in and out.
Personal stories connect with listeners to share ‘a private moment in a public space,’
identified by Reid and Hull as a ‘magic moment’ (2011:196) during locative media experiences. Hayle Churks offers the chance to become other, to experience traces of others’ lives rather than offering an objective representation or coherent story of place.
6.2.1.2 Expert interviews
Experts were interviewed who had specialist research and knowledge on geology, botany, dune erosion, ocean pollution, aspects and time periods of local history. An effort was made to get them to speak in the present tense and the first person so that their interviews would sit well next to first-hand accounts. Their interviews provided context and linked local themes with global issues such as climate change, which affects the coast and towans (dunes) considerably. The inclusion of these themes and man’s effect on them was intended to lead participants to reflect on the future of the place and their role within it, perhaps influencing them to get involved with land stewardship.
144 6.2.1.3 Minnie’s Story – a scripted narrative
I wrote Minnie’s Story as a seven-part fictional monologue. Recorded in stereo, Minnie speaks in the first person, in the present tense, in a low voice gently into the ear. Minnie acts as a companion who is also discovering Hayle by retracing the steps of her Hayle grandmother. This setting is designed to frame the experience of hearing others’ stories, many of which were set during the Second World War, when her grandmother was
courting. Minnie passes on contextual and factual information. A female American accent is used to disrupt the flow of Cornish accents to awaken the ears and to provide more
information about the African-American servicemen who were stationed in Hayle. In other audio walks in Cornwall, such as the Cornwall Mining Heritage Site MP3 walk, acted and narrated lines are often performed in an over-emphasised Cornish accent aimed at tourists perhaps more than locals. Few actors now have genuine Cornish accents and I am against an acted Cornish accent in my work. Not only do they clash with real, first-hand accented accounts, but like other clichés, by incorporating them along with phrases such as ‘dreckly’
and pasty eating, they reduce history and culture into a quaint digestible story of keywords.
But without a Cornish accent, or to be more precise, a Hayle accent, a more neutral narrator would have introduced other issues such as whether they are incomers (not from Cornwall) or middle class. Hayle has an industrial past and is a much more working class town
compared with St. Ives, for example. An American accent, I felt, would help the story stand out as something different and fabricated, rather than a memory, while making links between Hayle and international places, people and themes. Stories of Americans, Italian prisoners of war and Hayle residents emigrating to Australia also show the flows of people and stories through the town as well as the tides.
North Quay was a predominantly male working environment, unloading coal and sulphur, working in the bromine factory and gas works and manning the boats. A younger female voice talking about the past as though she was present with the listener and acknowledging how it had changed, broke up the dominance of older male disembodied voices talking only about the past. Her story opened up the opportunity to link the script to landmarks that could be sensed, usually seen although there was an effort to include other senses, such as touch (the black steps made of copper waste) and smell (mention of detail such as the sulphur) for a more sensory embodied approach to experiencing place and memories.
Finally, the seven-part narrative was also written because there was a story to tell about the
‘Jim Crow’ segregation of African-American servicemen from white American soldiers and how it played out in Hayle and on their return to the States. African-American engineers from the more liberal Northern American states built barges in Hayle to prepare for the D-Day invasion but shared the town with reservists from the American South, which caused tension including the murder of an African-American serviceman outside a dance.
6.2.1.4 The ‘Counter Tourist’
Five ‘guerrilla interruptions’ were in the first app version. By pressing an on-screen button participants responded to what looked and sounded like an incoming call and accepted or rejected it. In the mock takeover of the phone the ‘Counter Tourist’ (Crab Man 2012a; Crab Man 2012b), an alter ego of performer Crab Man (Phil Smith), changed the mood and mode of the piece. The ‘Counter Tourist’, recorded to sound as though talking through the phone, spoke directly to the participant and encouraged alternative approaches, both performative and playful, to exploring the heritage site through interaction and imagination. Here’s an example of a complete version of the fourth ‘Counter Tourist’ intervention, written and performed by Crab Man/ Phil Smith:
“…how... walking? How are you walking? In one line... are you walking a to be? Are you on a line, on a continuous line? Stop. Just stop where you are. A full stop. End the sentence ... here, now. And when you start again ... walk the first shape on the ground that you see, starting from now... a paving stone, stencil graffiti, road sign, spilled paint... whatever the first shape is... you are going to walk it, even of that walk is only in your head, you’re going to have to walk it now... disrupt the a to b and move on to c, d, e, f, g, h, i....”
Figure 35: The screens that showed during the ‘Counter Tourist’ take over. The participant had to interact with the phone to accept or reject the intrusion. Photographs are screenshots from the first app prototype used in
the first evaluation.
146 6.2.1.5 Interactive questions
Phone communication usually goes back and forth, one contributes as well as receives, the listener also speaks and is listened to and this was an intention of the app. Network
difficulties (no 3G available on some networks) made co-authoring by uploading voice not possible. In the first evaluation, to get the ‘view of the individual’ (Boyd Davis 2009: 44), the participant is asked three direct questions to answer (for example, about the future of North Quay). Responses were written within the app in a similar manner as a text message.
Unable to make the comments appear within the app as user-generated content, I planned to make comments from the first evaluation viewable online using a link rather than as part of an interactive online community such as Mediamatic Lab’s The Memory of East
Amsterdam (2003). Unfortunately network difficulties made uploading comments
problematic. Without a network connection, users received an error messages when they pressed ‘send’. Those that had a network connection felt unable or unwilling to answer questions written as a request for the community to upload their visions for the future of the area.
Figure 36: Participants were asked to interact with the app. Unfortunately inconsistent network coverage led to the removal of this feature. The photograph is a screenshot from the first Hayle Churks app prototype.
6.2.1.6 Sound effects and music
Walking and recording followed by reviewing recordings at home, or while walking a similar or different route, was repeated numerous times as body-mind ‘field work’: listening to place. Sound has been recorded on various settings using different recorders and
microphones throughout the research process, motivated by interest in experimentation and access to equipment. Recording equipment ranged from binaural, mono and stereo
microphones, a hydrophone and a Zoom H4N recorder to impromptu recordings with an iPhone. The final result is of varying textures rather than the continuous powerful effect of binaural sound. ‘Field work’ recording includes experiments with the Penzance-based choir
‘50 Degrees’. I asked them to make noises and speak rather than sing but used their
dynamics as a group to perform at different volumes and respond to conducted commands.
Other recordings included recordings of birds, such as endangered Cornish choughs at Paradise Park, a bird and wildlife sanctuary in Hayle, and hydrophone experiments in water.
The most successful recording involved sea swimming with a DIY recorder (inside a sandwich box bandaged around my body) made from discarded audio materials in
collaboration with artist John Hartley. Recordings gathered from others include atmosphere recorded deep in a local cave and whale recordings.
I worked in collaboration with BA Creative Music student Ben Whitehouse on five clips for the opening of the Academy for Innovation & Research (AIR) at Falmouth University, in 2012, to sit alongside memories without effects. In 2013 some funding I had been awarded from the Heritage Lottery Fund grant was used to commission two fellow researchers to make music for the app to my brief. Both musicians had access to my field recordings and information I had prepared in addition to a site visit. Composer Dr. Philip Reeder made a background loop using sounds recorded around Hayle as well as recorded instruments such as guitar and cello. My brief included a request to create sound that immersed participants but also pulled them out of that deep immersion into a less immersed state. This was not only to manipulate the movement between stages of immersion, to bring the landscape into focus, but also to remind them subtly that there was traffic. Reeder transformed traffic recordings into waves and used them at various points.
Thirty Pounds of Bone/Johny Lamb composed and performed three songs. Two stories needed in the app were those from before living memory so had to appear in another form rather than oral histories. The style of Nick Cave and the Bad Seeds’ 1996 album Murder Ballads was one that I felt could get across a story that mixed fact, hearsay and myth. The other song was used to explain sluicing, an engineering feat that allowed large ships bound for Australia and Mexico to navigate their way into the estuary. The halt of sluicing, allowing the channel to become clogged with sand, has affected Hayle’s fortunes, though as cited in
148 Chapter 5 (p. 104) dredging has begun again, with sluicing planned to follow in the near future.
The two background loops, a soundscape I created, the other composed by Reeder, contain mostly binaural sound. Binaural sound (as mentioned in Chapter 3 p. 47) is used in the practice to open up a hyper-real three-dimensional aural sphere (Miller in Christov-Bakargiev et al 2012) around the participant’s body. Binaural sound can be deeply immersive but it is also used in this practice in an effort to pitch the senses out into the landscape, to aid embodiment and the intertwining and interaction of human and landscape. It is therefore used to connect human to landscape in order to answer the research question. Binaural sounds provide texture by mixing ambient environmental sounds (such as seabirds calling and waves) that bleed in past the headphones to mix with the recorded digital sound to create what George Bures Miller refers to as ‘a third reality’
(Miller in Christov-Bakargiev et al 2012). Reid and Hull describe the ‘synaesthetic confusion caused when you are not sure if a sound is real or virtual’ (2011:197) as a locative media
‘magic moment’ (2011: 193 - 204). Deep immersion is temporarily interrupted as the participant looks around and listens to the physical world to confirm whether the waves or seabirds are real or on the recording. This could help to keep the participant embodied in landscape and influence the way that landscape is listened to once headphones are removed.
6.2.1.7 Images
Most of the images were archive photos, many from personal collections that had been discovered, gathered and scanned. One photo of African-American servicemen was sourced with permission from the United States National Archive. Photos taken of employees from J&F Pool’s munitions factory during the war were sourced from the Imperial War Museum.
Aerial photos and archive maps came from Cornwall-based archives. Gaining permission to use a Stanhope Forbes painting of Copperhouse Pool was important as it was on the walls of many people I interviewed and is one of the images that can be held up to the same scene today to get a similar impression.