POSIBLES SOLUCIONES DE PROBLEMAS EN LA VEREDA

In this part, I briefly examine the translation model when applied to translating the Oromo Bible within the past and present socio-cultural context of the people, under two main categories. Here, I evaluate the literal translation method.. The former

172

translation in the western Oromo dialect used the translation model adopting the literal word for word translation method, for translating the Bible, also called, formal equivalence. It is the case that this version did achieve notable success in Church planting. For example, Digga argues that the Oromo Bible translation was not only significant for the expansion of evangelical Christianity, but also for impacting on the peoples’ consciousness to develop their culture, language and literature in western Oromia (1999, 49). However, it may also be argued that there is an ambiguity about Bible translation in much of post-western colonialism reflection even though it has enabled education and articulation of culture to develop among the non-western communities. The ambiguity lies in the western cultural influence within the translation which was imposed on the non-western culture (Sugirtharajah, 2006, 73). The same is true of the western orientated Bible translation into the Oromo language and culture as an approach for Church planting (Eide, 2000, 89). Consequently, this literal translation, although using the translation model deserves less recommendation for current and future Church planting in the EECMY for the reasons which follow.

The translation method was entirely literal using formal equivalence, based on seeking equivalent words and idioms in both languages. For example, Bliese, an American linguist and advisor for the Ethiopian Bible Society in one of his interview responses comments that, as elsewhere, all translations (including the Oromo version), which took place in Ethiopia before the second half of the 20th century were entirely literal with the goal of being reliable translations from the original manuscripts by translating each word wherever the meaning allowed (in ECFE, 2010, 3; cf Wayessa, 2001, 6).). The main argument of the theorists against such translation is that two vernaculars may not necessarily correspond ‘throughout in their phrases, idioms, grammatical usages and words’ so that the method does not reveal the meaning expected (Nida, 1964, 164). However, Hordofa and Bulcha, Oromo scholars argue similarly that, although finding proper or corresponding words for objects often challenged the translators, the method used to bridge the gap was effective to some extent (Hordofa, 2005, 73; Bulcha, 1996, 53). For example, to find an equivalent idiom in the Oromo language from the source language of the Bible the translators used a method of combining two or more words to form a new word or phrase (Hordofa, 2005, 73). Among others, such new words include: Seera keessa-

173

Deebi ‘Deuteronomy’ (seera ‘customary law’ keessa deebi’ going back’), Hojii ergmmotaa ‘Acts’ (from Hojii ‘work’+ errgamoota ‘messengers’; the lightening of the final vowel marks possession, thus the literary meaning is ‘the messengers’ work’). Consequently, the translators were confident that their translation represented clear and idiomatic Oromo (Aren, 1978, 385). As noted by Bartels, the Oromo translators were indomitable searchers for the correct and relevant word in their translations and explanations (1983, 167-8).

Nevertheless, the Bible in the western Oromo dialect does demonstrate the existence of foreign and combined amalgamated words which were an inadequate way of translation because such made-up words were not known understood or meaningful to them. Instead of merging words in Oromo and borrowing words from foreign languages, the translators could have used existing ideas and notions in the Oromo language. They could also have coined Oromo equivalents of some of the vocabulary they had borrowed (Bulcha, 1996, 50). However, whenever translation takes place, language gaps are not easily avoided. The process of translation from one language to another may mean existing meanings lost and new meanings created. This was no doubt, the case with the Oromo Bible translation. Nevertheless, it was also the case that the Oromo Bible translation was enthusiastically accepted among the western Oromo people without much difficulty, as it was the first Oromo version in the context of an Amharization policy. If Nida is right when, in another context, he argues that 'the real test of the translation is its intelligibility to the non-Christian who should be reached by its message' (1974, 21), then the Oromo translation was intelligible for it reached the western Oromo. However, judged by contemporary methods of contextualisation it is lacking.

Secondly, we examine the new Bible translation projects in different dialects. I refer to these here, not to illustrate the method of translation, but to demonstrate the need for a new translation. In order to overcome the problem of the distinctive dialects of the Oromos, the EECMY has organized a number of Bible translations during the last decade using the same method as the one described above (EECMY Report 2007, 8). However, this might have come too late, as the diverse Oromo dialects are naturally reducing into one common language. Consequently, this Bible translation

174

plan may not be necessary as the existing dialects may not last much longer. The following Oromo saying supports this argument. ‘Gabba Gel tutii hare offuu’ (literally refers to ‘driving a donkey to the returning marketers). In short it means performing very important things too late. As Jalata comments, the Oromos are in a context when they are seriously engaged in discouraging their diverse dialects following the socio-political change since the 1990s which has legitimized practice of their language as a national language (1997, 33). This has significantly affected the Oromos’ ‘thinking, lives and preferences’ as individuals and as one nation (Simesso, 2005, 40). Consequently, whatever variations there may be from one region of Oromia to another, almost all Oromos have begun sharing basic and crucial sets of understanding, as well as core values and symbols which enable them to feel culturally and socially the same (Loo, 1991, 9). Such a coming together of both evangelized and non-evangelized Oromos towards their cultural values is a notable challenge to the EECMY in re-evaluating its Bible translation methods and utilizing the time for improving Church planting strategies. Arguably, any translation of the Bible into the vernacular language which ignores cultural dynamism is a failure because developments in translation have shown that it cannot be done in a vacuum. Therefore, the Bible translation project of the EECMY needs to consider the contemporary social context of the Oromo people and the dynamic equivalence model of translation.