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MODIFICACIONES QUE DEBEN INCLUIRSE EN LAS SECIONES CORRESPONDIENTES DE LA FICHA TÉCNICA O RESUMEN DE LAS CARACTERÍSTICAS DEL PRODUCTO

10. FECHA DE LA REVISIÓN DEL TEXTO

4.2 Posología y forma de administración (Para completar a nivel nacional)

This section summarises some key policy insights from the country studies collected in this publication, and suggests policy options for increasing the income security of on-call workers or those on flexible hours contracts.

1.8.1. Social security contributions should be harmonised across forms of

employment as much as possible

Including workers that sit on the border between dependent and independent forms of work in the standard social protection scheme closes coverage gaps and helps ensure that social protection systems cover those who are most at risk.

It can also curb the extent of non-standard employment, and thus limit the erosion of the contribution base of social protection systems, as shown by the policy reform experiences in Italy and Austria. Raising non-wage labour costs, of course, comes at the risk of decreasing employment, in the same way as this can be the case for standard workers. If certain forms of employment are subject to lower non-wage labour costs, this should be a deliberate policy choice.

1.8.2. Voluntary schemes do not seem to work well for non-standard workers

Any insurance depends on risk sharing among members. With a voluntary insurance scheme, those who have the highest risk have the greatest incentive to join. Unless a voluntary scheme achieves a very high coverage rate, this adverse selection either leads to a downward spiral of rising premia and falling coverage, or to additional costs in the system. High coverage rates, in turn, may require public subsidies, as the willingness to pay voluntarily for social protection appears to be low in some cases, as seen, for example, in Sweden where voluntary unemployment insurance coverage fell after a moderate rise in contribution rates in 2007/08.

Adverse selection in voluntary schemes is not limited to unemployment insurance but can be observed for sickness benefits (voluntary sickness benefits for self-employed workers in Austria) and even maternity and carers’ benefits (evidenced by the Canadian Special Benefits for Self-employed Workers scheme).

1.8.3. Making entitlements portable supports mobility across jobs and forms of

employment

Untying entitlements from specific relationships with employers, and tying them to individual contributions instead, not only makes it easier for workers to switch jobs, but it also makes it easier for them to switch between self- and dependent employment. Furthermore, it facilitates the harmonisation of entitlements across contractual arrangements. Individualised forms of social protection, however, can only offer protection if sufficient contributions are paid by or on behalf of the beneficiary.

Austria offers an interesting policy lesson in this respect when, in 2003, its severance pay scheme was replaced by company-based pension accounts. While the old severance pay entitlements benefitted only laid-off employees, all dependent employees now have a company-based pension account, which is portable across jobs. This measure increased

job mobility for workers in distressed firms (where a plant closure or mass layoff will take place in the near future, Kettemann et al. (2016[42])). As the pension accounts are tied

to the individual, and employers contribute a fixed rate of individual earnings, it was easy to extend the programme to independent contractors in 2008.

1.8.4. Increasing income security for those working flexible hours

Independent contractors – whether they do work mediated by online platforms or not – as well as workers on on-call or flexible hours contracts lack the income security provided by regular employment relationships while enabling firms to cheaply adjust to demand fluctuations. One way to redress this imbalance is to introduce a wage premium for flexible work as a compensation for assuming part of the entrepreneurial risk. The idea of requiring employers to pay higher rates to those who assume part of the entrepreneurial risk has been gaining traction both in the context of platform work (Chapter 8) as well as flexible hours work contracts (Taylor, 2017[43]).

In Australia, casual workers, who may be terminated on short notice and do not receive some benefits like paid holidays or paid sick leave that are provided to permanent employees, are already entitled to a casual loading of 25% for each hour worked compared to a worker doing the same job on an ongoing basis (Chapter 2).6

On-call or other flexible workers would also benefit from minimum hours guarantees: in Australia and the Netherlands, for example, employers already have to pay on-call workers at least three hours of work each time they call on the employee (Chapter 7). Minimum earnings floors may also be applied to independent contractors: the New York Taxi and Limousine Commission is currently considering introducing a minimum driver

pay standard for drivers for ride-hailing apps. The proposal would set an earnings floor at

roughly 115% of the minimum wage and increase driver earnings after expenses by 22.5% on average (Parrott and Reich, 2018[44]). The Netherlands plans to introduce a

payment floor of EUR 15-18 per hour for independent contractors who are paid below 125% of the statutory minimum wage or the lowest wage in the relevant collective agreement (Government of the Netherlands (2017[45]) and Chapter 7).

Notes

1 Those who were already self-employed upon the introduction of the programme in 2009 had one year to decide whether to opt-into the programme.

2 They have to contribute to pension, health and accident insurance since the late 1990s; in 2008 they were incorporated into the unemployment insurance system, the insolvency remuneration fund, the chamber of labour and the severance pay scheme Abfertigung neu (a form of portable employer-funded pension account).

3 The URSSAF (Unions de recouvrement des cotisations de sécurité sociale et d’allocations

familiales) are private bodies collecting employees’ and employers’ contributions to the general

social security system, see Chapter 4.

4 In a 2015 survey, around 30% of gig-workers performing work exclusively online on the Amazon Mechanical Turk and Crowdflower platforms named a preference to work from home, or only being able to work from home as the main reason for choosing this type of work (Berg, 2016[15]).

5 Indeed, most social protection systems do not seem to make such a difference: a survey conducted by the European Social Insurance Platform, an association of European statutory social insurance organisations (ESIP, 2017[46]) found that in all twelve participating European Union and EEA member countries, workers providing “virtual tasks” (graphic design, translation etc.) would be considered as self-employed. While there are differences in statutory coverage by the pension insurance across the surveyed countries, they are the same as for other self-employed persons. 6 Empirical evidence suggests, however, that casual workers do not in fact receive higher wages and might even suffer a wage penalty compared to similar permanent workers (see Chapter 2 for an overview of recent evidence). Thus, monitoring is crucial (as in the case of minimum wages).

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Chapter 2. Australia: Providing social protection to non-standard workers

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