POSTRADUCCIÓN

Cornell University is classified as a predominantly white institution (PWI). To effectively contextualize the experiences of students of color, the racial demographic of the workforce was included in the archival review. The data revealed that the racial demographic of the university employees does not proportionally reflect the demographic of the student population. Broadly, there is a great degree of institutional mistrust between the students and the administration. It is important to note that students used the terms “the university,” “the administration,” and “the/an administrator” interchangeably when referencing university employees of whom they presumed to be racially white.

Additionally, the results of the informational review revealed that Cornell has made a committed effort to create programs to address the problem of sexual misconduct on campus. The researcher discovered multiple initiatives developed prior to legislative mandates. Moreover, said initiatives exceed the standards of what is required by law. However, since the collective efforts of the CARE group of 1984-2004, the researcher found no evidence to suggest that the focus of the work has been inclusive of the needs of students of color, particularly Black and Latina women.

The mission of CARE was to work toward a community free of sexual harassment, exploitation, abuse, assault, and violence, by supporting mutually respectful relationships. Their goals were to support, encourage and and/or provide education for all; to monitor needs in the Cornell community; and to advocate for institutional and social change (20 years of CARE Activities, 2014, p. 1). Furthermore, between 2008-2018, the staff employed to provide advocacy and support to students in the aftermath of an experience of sexual misconduct were white. Although, the race of the employee is not an indicator of ability or competence, to the participants interviewed, the lack of racial representation in the staffing generates a reluctance to come forward. In a study on cultural mistrust and students’ expectations of counselors, researchers found that “Blacks who were highly mistrustful of Whites viewed the White counselor as less capable of helping them deal with: general anxiety, shyness, dating difficulties, and feelings of inferiority” (Watkins, Terrell, Miller & Terrell, 1989, p.3). In the absence of focused outreach specifically to the Black and Latina communities, the students presume there is a lack of cultural competence based on the race and ethnicity of the people who are employed to provide the services—even though many of the students indicated they never reported their experience to, or interacted with, university employees who provide support services in the aftermath of sexual misconduct.

One participant of this study shared that in the aftermath of her experience, she felt motivated to start her own student organization to support Black women who have experienced sexual misconduct. To date, there were 13 active members, and 10 persons who have expressed interest in attending future meetings. Their meetings took place off campus, and were specifically designed to create a safe healing space for Black women to connect and support each other. The participant communicated that she began this group because it was something that she needed, as

the current available resources did not meet her needs. When the researcher clarified if this group is exclusively for Black women, the participant shared the following:

Honestly, my focus was Black women, just because I am a Black woman, and that’s the kind of experience that I most readily understand. I want people to feel safe in that space, so ... just knowing my experience as a Black woman ... Being able to talk to other Black women has been helpful for me so I was just starting with who I am and what I’ve been through. Because, at the end of the day, I also need the space. It’s not like I’m just doing it for other people. I’m working based off of what I wanted. If anything, other spaces can take the same idea and do it for themselves, but I don’t know if it’s a thing that can just be open to everybody and still be as effective. So, I just started with what I would need. (Courage, 2019, Undergraduate)

In a similar study, Washington (2001) noted that research participants indicated that several respondents actively searched for alternative services “due to what they perceived as tensions or disconnects between White feminism and Black sensibilities as well as limitations posed by seemingly mono-cultural approaches to sexual violence” (p. 25). One research participant cited the value of group meetings in each other’s home, suggesting that Black feminism allows for alternative models, informal spaces instead of workshops or productions (p. 25). Currently, Cornell’s standard response to sexual and related misconduct does not create opportunities for students to engage in an identity-focused healing space. Although, there is a monthly group meeting for survivors, and the space for discussion is facilitated by a mental health professional, the group makes no explicit indication that it is using a race-conscious frame. This is an example of a university initiative that is worthy of note. However, in the absence of creating spaces that

specifically address the needs of Black and Latina women, the institutional mistrust between those student populations and the university persists.

Moreover, their experiences as women of color within society and their experiences at the institution in predominantly white spaces challenges the notion that Cornell is a safe space. More specifically, the experiences that students had when seeking support from “the university” for matters unrelated to sexual misconduct created a narrative regarding what they could expect from the institution in the aftermath of an experience with sexual misconduct. Consequently, they are disinclined to engage, citing the belief that Cornell does not care, and they feel solely responsible for supporting themselves and each other. According to Shaun Harper, colleges and universities do not do enough to intentionally build a community that affirms students and their identities (cited in New, 2016). The general sentiment reflected by the participants was that a white professional staff member would not have the ability to provide the comprehensive degree of support they need if they chose to share their experience with a university representative. Some even believed that communication between the individual or the community would cause additional harm. According to Dalton, Blacks often practice “intragroup discipline,” avoiding public discussion of the ways in which Blacks are sexually victimized to protect the group from negative publicity” (cited in Washington, 2001, p. 15).

Finally, the findings suggest that ideas regarding the frequency of Title IX reports that are brought forward to the institution, the timeline that it takes for a person to go through a process, and the uncertainty of the outcome are serious deterrents to reporting. In accordance with changes in governing policies, all responsible employees—including Resident Advisors—have a duty to consult with the university Title IX Coordinator once they become aware of any allegation of sexual misconduct. They are required to report the names of the alleged perpetrator (if known),

the student who experienced the alleged sexual violence, other students involved in the alleged sexual violence, as well as relevant facts, including the date, time and location (U.S. Department of Education, Office of Civil Rights, 2014, p. 18). Because of the duty to consult, the students are aware that sharing their experience with a responsible employee will result in a report to the Title IX Coordinator. Qualitative responses from the study revealed that both alumnae and current students indicated a fear of losing control of the process, and suspicion that university resources would not keep their information confidential.

Therefore, it is essential that employees with confidential reporting status are viewed as resources for Black and Latina women, specifically the university’s Victim Advocates as they are trained to provide trauma-informed advocacy and support to individuals who have experienced sexual misconduct. The researcher discovered that between 2008-2018, the only non-white employees that had confidential status were employed in university’s Counseling and Psychological Services (CAPS). There is a fee associated with visits to speak with a CAPS counselor, therefore visits to CAPS may be cost-prohibitive. However, there is no fee associated with visits to speak with other confidential employees. Furthermore, CAPS counselors have regular rotations of clients and administrative responsibilities. Thus, a counselor of color may not be accessible upon request. Moreover, when students decline to share their experience with the university, it leads to their inability to take advantage of accommodations afforded to them by the institution in the aftermath of an experience with sexual misconduct, and feeds the narrative that the university does not support them. The lack of racial and ethnic representation amongst the staff employed to provide advocacy and supportive services, the absence of focused outreach, and misinformation regarding the reporting process and available resources have created an

opportunity for the students to conclude that the administration has forgotten about them and is not prioritizing their needs. Consequently, they are discouraged from seeking institutional support.