PREPARACIÓN DE COMPOSTA

Prior to the discussion of ethnic entrepreneurship, one first has to understand the meaning of ethnicity. According to Yinger (1994), “an ethnic group is ‘a segment of a larger society whose members are thought, by themselves or others, to have common origin and to share important segments of a common culture and who, in addition, participate in shared activities in which the common origin and culture are significant ingredients” (p.3).

The definition of ethnic identity stated above is a traditional one that perceived it as the collective sum of shared origins, values, religion, morals and etiquette (Webster, 1994). However, the emergence of globalization due to the transformation in communicational technologies in the past three decades and its impact on immigration has changed the way ethnic identity is being perceived and negotiated (Castells, 2011). The growth of consumerism and individualism in the marketplace has provided people unlimited choices which are not limited to their economic consumption but gives them the opportunity to select their identity based on their interests (Giddens, 1991, Bauman, 2000).

Therefore, one can perceive identity, not something one born with but also as a process of self- identification through which people define themselves and others into a particular group by using specific labels (Barth, 1969; Cuellar et al., 1997; Rossiter & Chan, 1998; Tajfel, 1981). For instance, an individual can be born in an ethnic or religious group but shed his/her identity by adapting other identities as per his/her convenience. The example would be a person born into a British Pakistani Muslim family but later in life sheds off his/her ethnic and religious identity and perceives oneself as British Asian Gay (Jaspal & Cinnirella, 2012).

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They argue that the process of self-identification is not only depended upon the personal choice of an individual. It is also based on their experience and the inability of their discarded identities to enable them to live the desired lifestyle and their perception of themselves in relation with their environment (2012).

An important aspect of self-identification is the extent one attaches' emotional importance and value to the membership of a particular group (Tajfel, 1981). In other words, the ethnic identity of a person also depends upon the extent they identify with the particular group. Therefore, an individual may strongly identify and committed with one set of sub-identity (e.g., environmentalist or feminist) but not attach oneself with another aspect of their other sub- identities (religious, liberal, being father, mother and more.).

In this context, one can say that ethnic identity of individuals are not uniform but multiple and vary from group to group since they experience mixed emotions at a given time (Otnes et al., 1997). A person may identify oneself differently when they are in their ethnic group as compared to when they are with the people of the mainstream population. An example would be a British Muslim female wearing a Hijab at the Mosque and taking it off when going out shopping with her Caucasian friends (see, for example, Oswald, 1999; Jamal and Chapman,

2000). Hence, Oswald (1999) argued that ‘in consumer culture, ethnic identity can be bought,

sold and worn like a loose garment’ (p. 304).

Stamen and Deshpande (1989), placed a similar argument, that the social situation of an individual and his/her perception about it affects their ethnic identity. They state that ethnic individuals in the host country have multiple identities, which make it easier for them to survive in that society by allowing them to act differently in different situations based on their self- interest (Aaker, 1999; Markus & Kunda, 1986). On this basis, Donthu and Cherian (1994),

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gave an example of the Hispanic population in the United States by arguing that they tend to act like mainstream population throughout the year except for their ethnic festivals and when visiting their ethnic restaurants.

Castells (2011), argued that globalization and the transformation in communicational technologies have changed the notion of fixed identity and allow people to attain multiple and flexible identities in accordance with their unique social context. Nowadays, it would be difficult for marketers and sociologists to classify people in terms of any one ethnic group since individuals have more freedom to choose different notions of identity markers (Bauman, 2013, Castells, 2011). The freedom to choose from various identities allows people from various ethnicities to experiment and integrate their ancestral identity with values of the host environment by following their interest (Jamal, 2003). One of the prime examples of this form of identity formation can be observed in the emerging literature on ethnic entrepreneurship. Ethnic entrepreneurship is one of the fastest growing business fields in the United Kingdom (Gbadamosi, 2015). The reason behind this is due to the rising level of education among ethnic minorities (Owen et al., 2000) and their ability to identify niche markets for creative business opportunities (Dhaliwal, 2004). Jamal (2005), argues that the majority of the ethnic entrepreneurs identify their communities as the primary target market. These ethnic entrepreneurs understand their ethnic market better than traditional organizations due to similar culture and religion can identify market gaps much early in comparison to mainstream organizations (Dhaliwal, 2004; Chaudhry & Crick, 2008).

In addition, the growing population of ethnic groups in the UK, along with the rise in their living standard are some of the motives which persuade entrepreneurs to initiate ethnic entrepreneurial activities (Volery, 2007). It has also been stated that the rise of ethnic entrepreneurship has a positive effect on the stagnant British economy since it continues to

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provide more job opportunities to the people and in turn stimulate national productivity (Teixeira, 2001).

As stated by Waldinger et al., "ethnic entrepreneurship is a set of connections and regular patterns of interaction among people sharing a common national background or migration experiences (Waldinger et al., 1990, p. 33). This definition gives more attention to ethnicity rather than entrepreneurship and does not take into account entrepreneurs catering to members other than their community. However, it does give a reader a sense of understanding about ethnic entrepreneurship and its incorporation of ethnic entrepreneur and their ethnic group as an integral part of the entire entrepreneurial process.

According to Zhou (2004), the literature of ethnic entrepreneurship has identified and discussed various perceptive on ethnic Entrepreneurship in the form of the enclave, cultural and middlemen theories. He states that the middlemen entrepreneurs are those who act as traders between the producer and the consumer. These entrepreneurs are not restricted to their ethnicity but encompass other ethnic groups and mainstream population and are known for their ability to save money and lend it to others for a profit (2004). At the same time, they identify and establish a business in poor neighborhoods or places ignored by mainstream businesses in order to later sell it for a profit (Bonacich, 1973).

Zhou (2004) argued that these entrepreneurs never restricted themselves to underprivileged regions and established their footing in affluent urban neighborhoods. Although, they have professional interaction with the mainstream population they have limited ties with the latter on a personal level (2004).

On the other hand, he argued that enclave entrepreneurs are restricted by location, ethnicity and its social structures. Their product offering mainly includes ethnic products and services for their ethnic community. They have almost no interaction with the general population since all the aspects of their business functions revolve around their ethnic group. However, with

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time they do tend to expand their business and cater to other ethnic communities and the general population. (Zhou, 2004).

Recent academic research studies argue that ethnic groups in the UK are more entrepreneurial as compared to the mainstream population (Bates, 2006). Bates further argued that the reasons behind their entrepreneurial attitudes are many and depends upon their unique individual situation and life experiences (2006).

Portes and Böröcz (1989), describe this attitude in terms of push and pull factor. They argue that (and as suggested by disadvantage theory) some ethnic entrepreneurs are pushed into self- employment as they have no other way to earn a living due to language barriers, less interaction with the mainstream population, ethnic discrimination or low level of education. While some immigrants are pulled into entrepreneurial activities since they are integrated into the immigrated society, possess a high level of education, financial independence and language skills to compete successfully in the market.

Moreover, the cultural theory suggested that their physical environment influences ethnic entrepreneurs and cultural values (hard work, family, persistence, respect, and more), including their family and community to engage in entrepreneurial activities (Volery, 2007, Rafiq, 1992). The family provided financial flexibility; motivation and low-cost labour and the community allowed entrepreneurs to expand their business prospects through its social network which is based on trust and solidarity within the ethnic group, thus creating market competitiveness (Ratten et al., 2017a).

As stated by Gbadamosi (2015), religion plays a very role in the life of ethnic entrepreneurs as it provides them a social and economic resource. He argued that the belief in God is considered as a survival strategy among ethnic entrepreneurs who embark into an uncharted territory of entrepreneurship by believing that God is on their side. This form of belief gives them the

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ability to withstand the daily pressure of their businesses and take risks which are paramount in entrepreneurial endeavors (2015).

Moreover, the role of religious institutions in terms of providing entrepreneurial training and relevant support has made them quite influential among ethnic entrepreneurs (Gbadamosi, 2015). The evolution of religious institution from restoring morality among followers to enabling them to become effective market agents has allowed the members to forge new

relationships based on one “spiritual family in the name of faith, one baptism, one Lord and

one Spirit” for mutual benefit (Howard, 1987, cited in Gbadamosi, 2015 p. 7).

At the moment the author has discussed the importance of ethnic entrepreneurship including the major theoretical perspectives it has to offer. The theories mentioned above describe four major theoretical paradigms regarding ethnic entrepreneurs (i.e., middleman, cultural theory and enclave economy theory) and how they are pushed and pulled into entrepreneurial endeavours. It also highlights factors such as religion and culture that can have a direct impact on the way ethnic entrepreneurs engage in business transactions. However, since the main research question related to this study is about the influence of Islamic belief on the social media communication activities of British Muslim entrepreneurs. Therefore, the next section

will explore the emerging phenomena of Islamic entrepreneurship and whether it can influence

the entrepreneurial actions of its followers.