4. PRESENTACIÓN Y ANALISIS DE RESULTADOS
4.1 PRESENTACIÓN DE RESULTADOS
4.1.2. Presentación de resultados de la configuraciones
4.1.2.2. Presentación de resultados de M-S 1. Batería
The discussions throughout this chapter have highlighted the need for objects to recognise, therefore, how
surrounding the gift and the souvenir. Instead f is an ongoing and emergent practice performed through the capacities of souvenir-objects (Shove et al. 2007). This was apparent in many follow-up interviews with tourists in the UK, who discussed their
inability to -objects quite as they had envisaged:
NR e still not got the right frame?
been blue tacked on the wall for ages and I really want to frame
them, I I bought
(Jo, volunteer tourist, follow-up interview, UK, Mar 07)
continually reworked through minor adjustments to their positioning and display. She recognises that the current framing of her
souvenir-expresses a desire to redisplay these. Many tourists would explain the great deal of effort they invested in souvenir-objects so that they might be displayed, stored, used or given as souvenirs or gifts. The work objects required to make them souvenirs, such as
(2001) research. He found that similar minor routines and changes within the home décor, such as altering the positioning of furniture, had a significant bearing on
therefore renegotiated on a fairly routine basis, particularly when an event, such as my visit, prompted tourists to re-evaluate and renegotiate the display of their
souvenir-iculates, is not, therefore, a one-off event, but involved a dynamic process which worked both with and against the awkward presence of souvenir-objects.
Another tourist I interviewed in Swaziland expressed a great deal of admiration for a batik she purchased from Baobab Batik. She emphasized this again during a follow-up interview and was particularly excited that she had moved in to a new house which had large enough walls to display this fabric in its entirety:
o exciting looking round the house and I
because I hated it, I kept everything, like my giraffe, at like to look at my stuff all the time
(Allison, backpacking tourist, follow-up interview, UK, Feb 07).
Allison frames her choice and excitement surrounding her move into this house around the display of a specific batik she purchased in Swaziland, simultaneously reaffirming
home and new home both dictate the potential to display her batik (Miller 2001). Moving home, as Allison articulates, was therefore integral to renegotiating the significance of souvenir-objects (Marcoux 2001, also see Jo's comments, section 6.2.1). Conversely, however, despite living in her new home for several months at the time of her follow-up interview, Allison admits that her batik remains in her cupboard:
NR: Have you got your batik up?
I can hang it up on the wall because it s like a tablecloth rather than one that you would normally put on the wall
(Allison, backpacking tourist, follow-up interview, UK, Feb 07)
Despite her home and her souvenir- -object in a cupboard. She explains how this required more work to display it
practices of personalising objects are often conceptualised as an integral part of taking ownership of an object (Campbell 2005; Gregson and Crewe 1997). Furthermore, Belk (2001) suggests that the process of displaying objects as part of a collection is a passionate, creative and selective process of possessing things. However, my research
their souvenir-objects. Furthermore, they both recognised their souvenir-objects as
significant and integral to thei -objects
therefore continue to have an awkward presence for Allison and Jo, something which requires more work, time and effort.
f the souvenir-object itself, which is not simply incorporated into the meanings and display practices demonstrated by tourists (Pinney 2006). Here, materiality exerts agency
(Edensor 2005). The complex process of (Hetherington 2004). This is apparent as the possibility of leaving souvenir-objects in cupboards permanently was never acknowledged by participants. For instance, after conducting a follow-up interview with Mary, a backpacking tourist who now lives with her parents, her father jokes:
Did Mary tell you? We only just got round to putting everything up in time for your arrival. She gave us a batik from Swaziland and it has been sitting in a cupboard ever since she got back from holiday waiting for a DIY day
ethnographic journal, Feb 07).
Oliver jokes about how the souvenir-object he received as a gift from Mary is only displayed for my benefit. However, he also suggests that this souvenir-object was
omnipresent day, where a number of minor tasks, such as hanging a picture on the wall, could be undertaken, catalysed by my visit. For many tourists it can be catalysed by special events such as
souvenir-objects continue to have presence in the home in spite of and perhaps because manage
the semi-disposal of objects, but is instead an ambiguous space for those objects which (Gregson et al. 2007a; Hetherington 2004). In this context
-Souvenir- ,
negotiate, alter and resist normative modes of décor within the home. Souvenir-objects
exemplifies:
NR: And this just sits on the floor round the corner there? [a wooden carving]
to it at the moment and I may sort of put it somewhere else
(Doreen and Chris, SAGA tourists, follow-up interview, UK, Feb 07)
Despite having purchased this object in Swaziland with a specific imagination of how it
still uncertain about how to display it. Her comments highlight the overwhelming presence of souvenir-object
originally intended. Figure 7.6 highlights the awkward presence of this souvenir-object which is almost, but not quite, displayed in her living room. Positioning this souvenir-object on the floor below its original intended space of display is therefore a practice of
souvenir-objects, as they exert a certain presence in the home (Edensor 2005). These insights seem contradictory given the discussions in section 4.2 and 6.3, where tourists appreciated a form of personal involvement with producers. However, tourists encountered souvenir-objects in the home as meaningful because of their presence and positioning in the present. Furthermore, the presence of the souvenir-object in the home
producer. Chris for instance continues to discuss her wooden carving in the interview and explains:
Some of them were beautifully made, but there were just so many of the same everywhere, but I find that amazing. Some of them are 2D and ok with a flat thing you can you know,
they could make in a factory but whether they do a rough carving and then finish really get to find out when you went along and they had the same thing stall after stall, slightly different variations. I mean obviously one or two of them had their . But I like hand finished things and I like them to be well made so when I look at the A tourists, follow-up interview, UK, Feb 07).
Here Chris indicates how the displacement of the souvenir-object is integral to its meaning in the home. Her continual reference to not knowing about the context of its production recognises how the souvenir-object has meaning because of its aesthetics and current presence in the home. In this context, the souvenir-object does not quite