229. The ILO estimates that 85 million young people (between the ages of 15 and 24) are unemployed, 300 million are working but remain poor (living on less than US$2 a day) and 20 million have withdrawn from the labour market (ILO, 2006b, p. 5). Many of these young people cannot access the education and training that could enhance their productivity and chances of finding decent work. Particularly vulnerable are illiterate young people, school dropouts, (former) child labourers, youth in rural areas or in the informal economy and young women.
230. The conclusions on promoting pathways to decent work for youth (ILO, 2005d) observe that failure to find a job may be due to lack of relevant skills and training opportunities, low demand for young people’s skills obtained through training or changing labour market demand. The result may be long periods of job search, higher unemployment and sustained periods of lower-skilled and precarious work. The conclusions call for targeted interventions to overcome disadvantages and to promote social inclusion and greater equity.
231. For young people, as for all workers, sustained economic growth supported by sound economic policy is fundamental to creating opportunities for good jobs. Evaluations show that in the absence of job and labour market opportunities many programmes that have trained unemployed young people have not succeeded in raising their employment rates and incomes (Bennell, 1999). These are sobering findings when considering the prospects for assisting disadvantaged youth in developing countries in gaining access to decent productive work.
232. This section focuses on how to increase access to training for disadvantaged youth and how to ensure that this training leads to more productive employment. It concludes by drawing attention to the roles of institutions and actors in implementing these solutions. This section builds on the broader review of the application of policies and programmes to promote youth employment discussed by the Governing Body Committee on Employment and Social Policy in November 2006 (ILO, 2006k). 8
4.2.1. Overcoming education and skill disadvantages
233. Low educational attainment deprives young people of learning core skills and being able to participate in job training. Individuals are considered most employable, able to find and retain jobs and adaptable to workplace changes when they have broad- based education and training, basic and portable high-level skills, including teamwork, problem solving, ICT, communication and language skills (ILO, 2000a, para. 9). As depicted in figure 1.4 in Chapter 1 of this report, “core work skills” would also include literacy and numeracy, ability to learn and social and interpersonal skills. Core skills should be every individual’s intellectual foundation when leaving school (ILO, 2007i). 234. However, 96 million young women and 57 million young men are illiterate, most of them in developing countries. School attendance rates are lowest in sub-Saharan Africa: as low as 59 per cent for girls in primary school and only 22 per cent in secondary school (table 4.2). Less than 20 per cent of boys and girls in the region complete secondary school, meaning that most are at a severe disadvantage upon entering the labour market. These figures suggest that a significant proportion of young people in the world lack basic core and employability skills. Exclusion from education
8 Along with skills development and employability, this review highlighted the importance of economic policies
to expand employment, enterprise development, labour market policies and institutions, and governance and social dialogue as the critical policy instruments for youth employment (GB.297/ESP/4).
and training is at the root of child labour, low-paid and poor quality jobs and the vicious circle of poverty and social exclusion (ILO, 2005e).
Table 4.2. Average school attendance rates, by sex (per cent)
Primary school Secondary school
Boys Girls Boys Girls
World 78 75 46 43
Sub-Saharan Africa 63 59 21 22
Source: UNICEF, 2007.
235. Opportunities and risks faced at one stage in the life of individuals frequently influence their transition to the next. Hence, the areas of vulnerability that affect children and youth must be addressed early in life. Many actors have a role to play in this process: national and local authorities, the social partners, members of civil society and young people themselves. A major challenge is to devise education and training policies and measures that break the vicious circle of inadequate basic education and low productivity, and support the transition of disadvantaged young people into decent work.
236. The links between child labour and youth employment problems are extensive and education and training can do much to alleviate both at the same time. Child labourers cannot participate in education and skills programmes that could help them access good jobs as young adults. For poor families, the value of educating and training their children and earning future income from their work is often less attractive than the immediate income from putting them to work (Freedman, 2008). The policy challenge is to provide incentives to children and their families that encourage refraining from, or withdrawing from, child labour; and to educate and train them so that they can access decent work. 9
237. Are children, once removed from hazardous working conditions, being properly equipped to access good jobs at an appropriate age? In 2003, the ILO’s International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) reviewed non-formal education and skills training which it supported in nine countries. 10 The review found that in some
instances the vocational training provided was not necessarily relevant to labour market needs. The report went on to suggest more systematic use of labour market surveys and pre-training counselling or career guidance to help determine what vocational skills should be taught (ILO, 2006o).
238. The ILO report recommended outreach skills training – in informal settings, usually at simple venues – to ensure that training is accessible and relevant. Training there would encourage youth to put their new skills to use and earn incomes in their local communities and so avoid training-induced migration to urban areas. For example, IPEC
9 Some successful approaches to reducing child labour that integrate education and alternative family earnings
include the Programa de Erradicação do Trabalho Infantil (Programme for the Eradication of Child Labour) in Brazil, which extends the time children stay in school, thus limiting the time available for work (Tabatabai, 2006); helping parents of child domestic labourers in Kenya create income-generating activities as a substitute for children’s income and improving their access to education (ILO, 2004d, p. 25); and improving education for children in hazardous agricultural work in East Africa combined with skills and grants to help families undertake alternative activities (ILO, 2006n, p. 5). Combining quality education with school feeding programmes and providing cash incentives can also discourage child labour. Conditional cash transfer (CCT) programmes ensure regular payments to poor households on condition that they meet certain obligations, such as sending their children to school and vaccinating them. Although reduction of child labour is seldom an objective, CCTs have been effective in reducing it (Tabatabai, 2006, p. vii).
supports apprenticeship training programmes with local businesses and craftspersons that assist rural youth in learning new skills instead of having to travel to urban areas for training (ILO, 2006o).
239. The key points on training in rural areas in section 4.1 apply in particular to young persons in rural communities: the importance of selecting trades and occupations where skills development will be relevant; of providing trainees with labour market information, job search assistance and other employment services; and of integrating entrepreneurial training and technical training in preparing youth for self-employment. There are many examples of initiatives that combine these elements.
Bangladesh offers young people in rural areas various forms of training for self-
employment. Around 555,000 young people received training between October 2001 and March 2004 in some 300 training centres run by the Department of Youth, of whom approximately 341,680 entered self-employment (ILO, 2005e, p. 57). 11
In India, the Training of Rural Youth for Self-Employment (TRYSEM) programme
trains rural poor aged 18–35 in technical and entrepreneurial skills for wage- or self-employment. So far, some 54 per cent of trainees have been women and 28 per cent have been illiterate. High unemployment (50 per cent) among those young people who had undergone training raised demand for better labour market information and job search assistance. For example, the Baatchit project, targeting rural youth aged 15–24, fits together vocational training, entrepreneurial skills and career guidance, including building awareness about available career options, job vacancies and recruitment processes. However, many trainees’ lack of education reduced the effectiveness of training (Brewer, 2004), underscoring the need to make vocational training complementary to basic education and core employability skills training.
In Nigeria, the National Open Apprenticeship Scheme (NOAS) educates and trains
unemployed young people in over 100 occupations. An offshoot of the NOAS is the School-on-Wheels programme, which provides mobile vocational training to school leavers and other unskilled persons in rural areas. After the three-month training, graduates are absorbed into the NOAS. Over 21,000 young people have benefited from the programme so far (Brewer, 2004, pp. 43 and 116).
240. Out-of-school youth primarily find livelihoods in the informal economy. In its World Employment Report 1998–99 devoted to training, the ILO pointed out that a major shortcoming of earlier training strategies in developing countries was an exclusive concentration on the needs of the formal economy, in spite of the fact that it accounted for a much smaller proportion of total and new employment than the informal economy. 241. As pointed out in section 2.4, traditional apprenticeships are the largest source of skills for the informal economy. The informal apprenticeship system can be an effective means of skill development in the informal economy as this is where most entrepreneurs in the micro-enterprise sub-sector acquired their skills. However, apprenticeship training tends to be limited to the practical skills of a trade, generally transferred through the observation and replication of tasks carried out by an experienced worker. To be more effective in increasing employability, some combination of hands-on experience and systematic knowledge is required. For example, the apprenticeship programme in Nigeria mentioned above offers theory classes on Saturdays as a complement to the
11 The centres offered training in poultry rearing, beef fattening, livestock rearing, food processing, kitchen
practical training received. Good practice is to link apprenticeship training with formal schooling so young people have an incentive to remain in school and acquire the core skills needed for work and for making their way through life. Finally, a system for certifying the skills mastered by the apprentice – recognized by employers in other localities and in the formal economy – can help young people make the transition to work in the formal economy. National efforts to upgrade the quality of apprenticeship training, such as by several countries in West Africa, incorporate these elements of core skills, employment services and recognition.
242. Specific “second chance” interventions are needed for school dropouts who may have left school before acquiring basic literacy and numeracy skills and who have drifted into low-paid, unskilled work in the informal economy. This need is growing across countries regardless of development levels. For young people and others facing long- term unemployment, “second chance” programmes offer an alternative to labour market exclusion and long-term joblessness. A review of “second chance” programmes pointed out that they must do more than provide technical competencies; they must also compensate for inadequate education and provide the competencies needed for both work and life (World Bank, 2006). Experience in Spain has also highlighted how important it is that employers accept placements of youth and organize working time around coursework, tutoring and other support (box 4.5).
Box 4.5
“Second chance” programme in Spanish cities
The European Association of Cities for Second Chance Schools reports on the experience in four Spanish cities: Bilbao, Cadiz, Gijón and Barcelona. In Bilbao, the programme is divided into phases with a decreasing share of coursework and an increasing proportion of workshops, tutoring and in-company work over a two-year period. The programme benefits from the strong local involvement of the Confederation of Basque Enterprises. In Cadiz, the programme is supported and promoted by Cadiz University in close collaboration with the City Council. The Association credits the role of employers in raising the success level of the “Second chance” programmes – in accepting students and trainees and their flexible working time in order to accommodate more technical training and individualized support services to help young people make the transition into the labour force.
Source: European Association of Cities for Second Chance Schools, 2007.
243. Overcoming exclusion from education and training opportunities is the first priority in improving young women’s employability. Many youth education and training programmes, including traditional apprenticeships, are biased against girls and women. Others, by not directly addressing constraints on girls going to school and young women participating in vocational training, fail to meet objectives of equitable access for women and men.
244. At the level of basic education, effective programmes to keep girls in school require a comprehensive approach. Increasing the proportion of girls’ school attendance and moving toward better male/female equity in schooling often requires special measures to induce parents to enrol their daughters and keep them in school (Biasiato, 2007; Atchoarena and Gasperini, 2003). Practical changes have proved to make a big difference, such as separate latrines for girls and adjusting school times to accommodate household or marketing responsibilities. More fundamental measures include increasing the number of female teachers (as role models and as a source of encouragement for young girls and reassurance for parents), removing gender stereotypes from teaching materials and training teachers to avoid early occupational segregation (such as
favouring boys over girls in mathematics lessons). Furthermore, in some places measures to overcome cultural resistance to girls’ education may require incentive schemes, such as stipends to families who enrol daughters in school. This kind of comprehensive approach has proven effective, as seen in the example from Bangladesh profiled in box 4.6.
Box 4.6
Bangladesh: Assisting girls and young women with access to secondary education and skills training
The Female Secondary School Assistance Programme, financed by the International Development Association (IDA), supported government efforts to improve girls’ access to secondary education (grades 6–10) in rural areas. They and their families were given cash stipends to cover tuition and personal costs. This incentive was combined with efforts to increase the proportion of female teachers, to invest in the provision of water and sanitation facilities, and to improve community involvement in the incorporation of occupational skills into the training.
By 2005, girls accounted for 56 per cent of secondary enrolments in areas covered by the programme, compared to 33 per cent in 1991. Their attendance rates increased to 91 per cent, surpassing the boys’ attendance rate (86 per cent). Overall, access to secondary education increased substantially for girls in Bangladesh, jumping from 1.1 million in 1991 to 3.9 million in 2005. An increasing number of the girls enrolled come from disadvantaged or remote areas.
Source: IDA, 2007.
245. Overcoming occupational segregation in employment starts with removing gender stereotyping from education and training. In the Latin American Pro-Joven programmes, measures to open non-traditional occupations and careers to women include widening the types of internships offered to both sexes, improving counselling and career guidance services, and raising teachers’ and trainers’ awareness of the importance of discarding gender-based expectations in relation to students and their selection of courses of study – in particular welcoming young men into training in occupations traditionally dominated by women and vice versa (Aedo and Nuñez, 2003).
246. Widespread discrimination on account of ethnicity or caste adds to girls’ difficulties in accessing education and young women’s barriers to employment on account of gender bias. In Guatemala, only 26 per cent of indigenous non-Spanish- speaking girls complete primary school, compared to 62 per cent of Spanish-speaking girls; in the Slovak Republic, only 9 per cent of Roma girls attend secondary school compared with 54 per cent of Slovak girls (Lewis and Lockheed, 2007). In Viet Nam, 19 per cent of ethnic minority girls had not attended school compared to 2 per cent of Viet girls (Morris, 2006). Specific policies, and their local enforcement, combined with awareness-raising campaigns, are required to improve equity in access to education and hence to training and employment for minority groups, and in particular for girls and young women in these groups.
247. Programmes and policies that target disadvantaged youth are most effective if they tackle the specific causes of the disadvantage: remote location, informal economy, lack of basic education, discrimination, etc. Active labour market policies and macroeconomic policies aiming at full employment are also needed. Across different projects targeting different groups of young people, however, common good practices can be discerned. Brewer (2004), in an exhaustive review of training projects’ impact on young women and men, summarized the key features of effective training practices for disadvantaged youth: data collection and mapping of marginalized populations; needs- based assessments; training components; social support and labour market services
(including vocational guidance and counselling); 12 financial support; physical
infrastructure; and coordination, cooperation and commitment (page 34).
4.2.2. Institutional keys to success: Inter-ministry collaboration and social dialogue
248. An ILO Tripartite Meeting on Youth Employment (ILO, 2004b) called for closer coordination between government institutions and agencies, both at national and local levels. As a minimum, coordination is called for between ministries of education and ministries of labour and, where they exist, ministries of youth. At the international level, the Youth Employment Network (YEN) – a collaboration between the UN, the World Bank and the ILO – has encouraged countries to draw up national action plans entailing comprehensive efforts extending across ministries, social partners and civil society and has sought international financial and technical support for their implementation. 13
249. One example of inter-ministerial and local/national collaboration is the Young People’s Self-Support and Challenge Plan in Japan. It engages four Ministries: Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology; Health, Labour and Welfare; Economy, Trade and Industry; and Economic and Fiscal Policy, ensuring that a holistic approach is pursued in promoting youth employment (ILO, 2005e, p. 51). Canada’s Youth Employment Strategy involves 13 government departments and agencies working in partnership with employers’ and workers’ organizations.
250. Agency coordination at national and local levels and a high degree of decentralization are equally important. This was illustrated by Chile Joven, a programme widely cited in surveys of youth training and employment programmes. Beginning in the 1990s (and completed in 2000), the programme targeted unemployed, underemployed or in other ways vulnerable young people. It was highly decentralized: some 1,000 recognized private and public training providers participated in competitive bidding for programme contracts. It provided 400 hours of formal training, combined with two–three months’ work experience in enterprises. It also trained young people for self- employment. Altogether some 190,000 young people aged 16–24 participated in the programme opening up new labour market opportunities for many participants. On the basis of the success in Chile, the programme was replicated in Argentina, Colombia, Peru and Uruguay. 14