Problemática en Argentina

The term “marriage squeeze” describes “the effects of an imbalance between the number of males and females in the prime marriage ages” (Schoen, 1983, p. 61), and is generally measured by examining the sex ratio (the number of males per 100 females) at these ages (Schoen, 1983, p. 62). Although early research on marriage squeezes often focused on numerical differences between men and women, recent analyses have also considered compositional matters such as availability of suitable spouses by education level and within geographically based marriage markets. Fossett and Kiecolt (1991) discussed other considerable factors such as geographic

accessibility, race, marital status, and labor force status for their research on sex ratios and family formation. Williams et al. (2006) discussed marriage squeeze in terms of education and occupation in both urban and rural settings. This change in approach suggests that the understanding of the term “marriage market” may have changed. In general, the marriage market loosely refers to the population pool at the prime

marriage age but does not highlight the various characteristics of this population, such as level of education and income that may stratify the market. Recent research has taken account of other characteristics besides age. These attempts result in a more dynamic understanding of marriage markets.

The average sex ratio at birth from 1970 to 2005 is 109.89 in Korea (National

Statistical Office, Trends in Vital Statistics 1970–2005). It belongs at the high end of the natural sex ratio at birth (104–110) (Weeks, 2005, p. 327). Park and Cho (1995) discussed the relationships among the imbalance of the sex ratio at birth, low fertility rates, and son preference in Korea. According to them, the son preference persisted in Korean society while the fertility rate decreased rapidly and the norm of a small family became established (Park and Cho, 1995). Because technologies for

determining the sex of fetuses and sex-selective abortion were available, they contributed to the distortion of the sex ratio at birth (Park and Cho, 1995). Park and Cho (1995) pointed out that one of the social implications of the high sex ratio is the marriage squeeze. They predicted the bride shortage, as Table 4.3 shows. They also counted the marriage age gap, four years on average, between the bridegroom and bride. Assuming ongoing very low mortality for both sexes, and assuming that age is the only factor in marriage, males ages 5 to 9 would have difficulty finding a partner when they reach marriage age; in other words, they predicted that 27 out of 100 males would not be able to find a partner (Park and Cho, 1995, p. 74). This situation will worsen if surplus males in the older age group find partners in the younger female age group because of the sex-ratio imbalance of their own age group (Park and Cho, 1995, p. 74). In addition to the sex-ratio imbalance, the rapid decrease in fertility has also contributed to the marriage squeeze. Given that Korean men usually marry younger women and that the absolute number of births has been decreasing, a marriage squeeze on men has appeared unavoidable (Park and Cho, 1995, p. 75).

Table 4.3 Comparison of the Number of Males in Five-Year Age Groups with the Number of Females Four Years Younger in 1990 (Park and Cho, 1995, p. 75)

Males Females

Age Number Age Number M/F (* 100)

25–29 2,160,912 21–25 2,073,159 104.2 20–24 2,294,290 16–20 2,220,129 103.3 15–19 2,267,129 11–15 1,926,386 117.7 10–14 2,054,494 6–10 1,959,426 104.9

Park and Cho’s (1995) study predicts a marriage squeeze in Korea based on the

population structure in 1990. In order to understand the marriage squeeze in relation to cross-border marriage more accurately, various factors that reflect structural

conditions and influence gender relations, including age, education attainment, occupation, residence (urban/ rural), and cultural norms, should be accounted for. For example, according to Park and Cho’s (1995) general description based on age, Korean women should not face any problem in finding partners. As Table 4.4 shows, however, the proportion of never-married men and women varies according to education level.

Jones (2004) indicates that “the marriage squeeze [in East and Southeast Asia] leaves well educated women and poorly educated men ‘stranded’ in the marriage market” (in Williams et al., 2006, p. 87). 2005 Census data37 in Korea support this thesis. A high proportion of women who never married tend to attain higher education levels; on the other hand, a high proportion of men who never married tend to attain a high school education or less, as Figure 4.2 shows.

37 _{Aggregate census data for the population by sex, detailed education level, and marital status are} available from the 2005 census.

Figure 4.2 Proportion of Never-married Population, by Education and Gender*, 2005

(Source: National Statistical Office) *age of 15 or older

Table 4.4 Proportion of Never-Married, by Age, Gender, and Education, 2005 Male Total 20 to 24 25 to 29 30 to 34 35 to 39 40 to 44 45 to 49 50 to 54 Elementary 6 93 83 70 51 29 13 5 Secondary 33 95 75 43 23 10 5 2 Tertiary 44 99 85 39 13 5 2 1 No Schooling 10 97 94 88 73 53 34 19 Female Total 20 to 24 25 to 29 30 to 34 35 to 39 40 to 44 45 to 49 50 to 54 Elementary 1 72 48 23 9 3 1 1 Secondary 23 83 44 15 6 3 2 1 Tertiary 47 97 66 23 10 6 5 5 No Schooling 10 90 79 60 39 20 9 4

* percentage of the never-married within the cohort ** includes attending and dropping out

As Jones (2004) noted, the marriage squeeze is observed at both ends of the education- level spectrum; highly educated women and poorly educated men tend to remain unmarried. The rural bachelors’ marriage crisis is one manifestation of the marriage squeeze on poorly educated men. Given the positive relation between education and income levels in Korea38 and the tendency for women to have to “marry up”, the marriage squeeze on low-income males is predictable. The recent expansion of cross- border marriage to urban men may also be read in this context and will be discussed later in the thesis.

4.3 Marriage of Rural Men as a National Issue and Cross-Border Marriage in