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III- REFERENTE TEÓRICO

3.6 Problemas que Nacen del Acoso Escolar

This chapter has explored the importance and intricacies of place-based attachment and identity formation. I used examples from participants’ narratives to illuminate how both place-based and classed identities are constructed and negotiated through a variety of discursive resources. Examples of these discursive resources included the construction of the ‘dividing line’ and ‘racialised other’, and the situating of local and national identities. I then discussed some of the place-attachment ‘trouble’ that was present in some residents’ narratives. There was a discursive struggle between strong belonging to the community and showing frustration at the issues within Hiraeth, which are often ignored by those in positions of power. Some examples of precarious place-attachment were then explored from two differing perspectives: living on the geographical periphery of Hiraeth and being middle-class in a working-class neighbourhood. This chapter suggests that place-attachment is dynamic and complex and is continually being negotiated in the everyday by residents.

Benson and Jackson (2012) argue that place-making simultaneously reconstructs classed identities, and the chapter provided examples of the discursive resources drawn upon to construct spatial distinctions based upon class ‘tastes’ and judgements (Bourdieu 1984; Skeggs 1997; Watt 2009; Jeffery 2018). These distinctions were often based on an appreciation of ‘respectability’ and anything or anyone who goes against the grain is simultaneously ‘othered’ (Skeggs 1997; 2004). It could be argued that residents’ narratives in this chapter exemplify the need for a sense of protection within the community, or what Walkerdine (2010) calls the ‘containing skin’ in a community of affect. With threats such as newcomers joining the community and public spaces falling into disrepair, there is a need to defend and maintain place-based identities, protecting against loss of value (Skeggs 2011; Walkerdine 2016). As Taylor (2010) notes, there is a mirroring process between place and residents’ identities. Negotiating belonging therefore requires both place-based and classed identity work in relation to others.

Despite many Hiraeth residents having a strong attachment to place, this attachment is often complicated and complex. Following on from the conclusion of Chapter Five, if the focus of policy can be shifted to investing in and working with communities instead of individualised notions of social mobility, then complexities of place need to be recognised and listened to (Walkerdine 2016). The narratives presented in this chapter suggest there is a need for local value and understandings to be appreciated by powerholders, and recognition that a one-size-fits-all approach to working with communities ignores locally constructed divisions and boundaries.

There are, undeniably, issues for concern in the community of Hiraeth, including the apparent lack of credibility given to residents’ views by local council representatives. The perceived threat of the ‘racialised other’ and the use of an anti-migrant discourse is a further issue which may break down the cohesion within Hiraeth. Continuity in the community has been maintained for generations, making adapting to change difficult for residents. A potential approach to overcome this and encourage cohesion would be to invest in publicly shared communal spaces (Minton 2009; McKenzie 2015), where residents could come together and build relationships with each other, as Abi suggested, encouraging learning across difference. Walkerdine (2010) has discussed the importance of having shared spaces where continual affective practices of being ‘held together’ take place. However, as section 6.3 demonstrated, there is a dearth of funding and support for communal spaces in Hiraeth. Recognising local value systems and listening to the issues that matter to the community are essential to enhancing communal bonds and encouraging collective mobility, but without solid investment in communities as opposed to individuals, this will be difficult to achieve (Skeggs 2011; Walkerdine 2016; Lang and Marsden 2017). The next and final findings chapter moves on to explore education and employment trajectories and the intersection of class and gender within residents’ narratives.

CHAPTER SEVEN

Explorations of the Individualistic Selfhood Discourse- How

Policy, Class and Gender Impact on Hiraeth Residents’

(Mobility) Trajectories

7.1. Introduction

This chapter focuses on education and employment trajectories, which are often seen as the linchpin to successful social mobility. It critiques the individualised selfhood discourse that is propagated through government policy and rhetoric, by drawing on the gendered and classed narratives of Hiraeth residents. The data presented here suggests that Hiraeth residents work within a form of selfhood that is relational – dependent upon relationships with others – in which understandings of fulfilment are often constructed outside of educational and employment success.

The chapter provides a political context by exploring in more detail Communities First’s approach to improving the community, critiquing the employability focus of its projects in its latter years. Extending the discussion about Communities First in Chapter Five, this chapter argues that despite of the programme’s seemingly laudable aims, it acted as a form of stigma governmentality, shifting the blame of structural inequalities onto the shoulders of those who are most marginalised in the community. This discourse was met with resistance from community workers. The chapter then explores the working-class gendering of roles and trajectories, discussing the centrality of caring to women’s narratives and how this interacts with their working lives, reflecting locally held norms.

The final section looks explicitly at education and employment trajectories, examining how residents reject and distance themselves from the dominant social mobility and self-improvement discourse, creating their own sources of value. It explores parents’ aspirations for their children and also adults’ reflections to illustrate how an alternative discourse is constructed, which provided fulfilment and success in relation to others. The conclusion reflects on what this means for social mobility more widely, suggesting that there is a need for a shift in the conceptualisation of social mobility and what it means for people in marginalised communities such as Hiraeth.

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