EL PROCEDIMIENTO SANCIONATORIO DE ALIMENTOS EN LA CIUDAD DE SANTIAGO DE CALI AÑO

Alongside the local influences, a set of foreign influences, notably American, have also operated in Pakistani socio-economic and political spheres. During the first five years of its existence, Pakistan was largely ignored by both Britain and North America in order not to put at risk the relationship with a more economically viable India. British foreign investment in the country, however, dominated the economy while that of America amounted to a mere 4.5%. Alavi (1990) claims much was achieved in terms of economic gains during these five years, so much so that by the middle of 1950s Pakistan had become attractive in the eyes of the Americans. Britain’s interest waned as that of America grew. American investments in oil, pharmaceuticals, natural gas and education picked up suddenly in the 1950s. Khilji (1999) notes how establishment o f business schools and transfer of management programmes (for example, from the Harvard Business School) continued in the 1950-60s, under the Marshall Plans (Fox, 2001). The Institute o f Business Administration, Karachi (IB A, Karachi), the first business school in the country, was set up in 1955 as a joint project of the United State Agency for

International Development (USAID) and the University of Pennsylvania, while the Pakistan Institute of Management (PIM) was a collaborative effort with the Ford

Foundation in 1961. US involvement in Pakistan continued until it was interrupted by the Pakistan-India war o f 1965 (also see Shirazi, undated).

Hastening to counter Russian influence in Afghanistan, America resumed ties with Pakistan in 1979, when the country’s soil was needed for intervention in adjoining Afghanistan. From then onwards, Pakistan has provided America ample opportunity for

intrusion in its economic and political spheres: Pakistan’s strategic location with regard to the Persian Gulf, menacing Pak-Afghan drug trafficking, the country’s ‘threatening’ nuclear programme, the row with India over Kashmir (Alavi, 1990), and lately, the war on terrorism.

A major reason why Pakistan has allowed the United States a free hand (or nearly so) in its socio-economic sector is the relative backwardness of its educational and industrial sectors. Having inherited few industries from the Raj, being politically and economically isolated for a large part o f its initial phase of existence, and the political weakness o f its trading community and peasantry, Pakistan keenly and gratefully accepted North America’s offers for industrialization and educational advancement (Alavi, 1990; Khilji,

1999). The arrival of American companies, the supply of grants and loans for setting up management institutes, such as the IBA and PIM mentioned above and the Lahore University o f Management Sciences (LUMS) and an Islamabad branch o f American Management Association more recently (in 1984 and 1997, respectively) (Fagiano, 1997), and the popularity o f the American manager in business circles (Khilji, 1999) provide a glimpse o f American involvement in the management education and practice in the country.

4.1.3 Pakistani society and social values today

After discussing the various influences on the country’s socio-economic and political spheres, I would like to present a brief sketch of the urban Pakistani society and dominant social values today. Pakistan has a rich cultural background, with each

ethnic group recognizable by its own culture. However, a national Pakistani culture unites all these groups through the Urdu language and the religion of Islam (Siddiqui, 2005). In addition to these two cultural facets, the urban society is also displays a certain element of Westernization. Khilji (1999) thus describes the Pakistani society of today as having three different ethos: religious, that is, Islamic, Western and traditional.

Each o f the above mentioned ethos and accompanying social values are visible in different intensities in people belonging to different socio-economic classes. Among the educated urban classes that are the subject of my research, various social

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commentators have observed the distinct categories of religious-minded and Westernized youth. Scholars, such as Siddiqui (2005) believe that the traditional element is also stronger than the religious all throughout Pakistan. However, I feel that in urban centres traditionalists, such as speakers of the local languages and the wearers o f ethnic or Pakistani dress, are fewer in number than those in rural centres. According to Khilji (1999) there also seems to be a segregation between work and religion in the urban centres. Simultaneously, there seems to be a tendency towards materialism, scramble for status, and less trust among people. According to Siddiqui (2005), class difference as between providers of labour and capital and people belonging to different socio-economic strata is also evident. People in the towns are often self-centred, leisure-loving and have pretentious life-styles. They demonstrate less sincerity than their rural counterparts and often have unstable moral standards.

12 www.islamfortodav.com/mixedcultures.htm

At the same time, they have more flexible social norms and laws, are more willing to adopt new trends and engender broader visions. Other commentators13 have also made similar remarks about Pakistani social values of today. In fact, Qureshi (1975) described the Pakistani educated class of the 1970s in similar words of

‘materialistic,’ ‘selfish,’ ‘disunited,’ and o f ‘little interested in social service.’

4.2 Background of Management Education in Pakistan

Before describing the background of Management Education in Pakistan, I would like to give a brief contextual account of the development of education in Pakistan in the following section.

4.2.1 Education in Pakistan: a socio-political and historical account

The Founder of the Nation, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, highlighted the need for education suited to the needs of Pakistan, immediately after Independence in 1947. The First Educational Conference, held in November, 1947, decided that the educational policy of Pakistan, claimed on grounds of providing freedom for people to practice Islam, would be based on Islamic thinking. However, these ideas were not fully clarified and have

remained merely vague generalizations (Qureshi, 1975). A secular attitude towards higher education with an emphasis on the technical aspect of education prevailed in the 1950s. Education was closely controlled by the government and higher education became rather

elitist in orientation. The next decade saw some endorsement of ‘inculcation of Islamic values as an instrument of national unity and progress’ but was considered inadequate by the religiously oriented classes. Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto then tried to widen the spread o f education but also maintained a secular orientation. President Zia-ul-Haq tried to reaffirm Islamic values more strongly. He pledged to organize education in the country according to Nizam-e-Mustafa (system of Prophet Muhammad, pbuh), setting up an International Islamic University in Islamabad and strictly enforcing the teaching of Islamic subjects at all levels of primary, secondary and higher education (Jones and Jones, 1982).

Commenting on Pakistan’s education policy, Qureshi (1975) writes that it has been motivated primarily by economic development, with the intelligentsia thoughtlessly implementing the educational policy inherited from the British. Today also economic development appears as the main guiding force towards Pakistan’s education policy (see the paragraphs below). Only ‘half-hearted attempts at teaching some aspects of Islam’ have been seen (Qureshi, 1975:59). For example, text books for both Islamic and non- Islamic subjects, are largely borrowed from the West. Moreover, those for religious subjects taught in professional colleges are prepared haphazardly. Religious instruction is thus often ‘meagre’ and ‘unsatisfactory.’ Teachers for religious subjects taught amidst secular curricula are also rare to find. Talking about religion is considered ‘reactionary’ and ‘dangerous’ in the secular spirited Pakistani educational system. In religious institutions, on the other hand, teaching of worldly subjects, such as mathematics or geography, has been slow to pick up. Attempts are being made to spread religious schools

(madrassahs) and local and international (for example, USAID) funding is being made

available for them (Ali, 2005) but Western and traditional education systems have functioned independently in Pakistan. Similar opinions about Pakistan’s educational set up of today were expressed by my respondents too. This will be discussed in later chapters.

Narrowing the focus to higher education, at present there are 59 public and 55 private HEC (Higher Education Commission)14 recognized institutes of higher education (HE) in Pakistan. The major objective of the HEC, which oversees the planning and accredition and working of all public and private institutes of higher education in Pakistan, is to promote advancement of knowledge that values critical thought. Currently about 3% of the 18-23 year age group receive HE but the plan is to double this number by 2010. The Medium Term Development Framework, 2005-2010, emphasizes the developing of research and researchers, procuring and writing of books, striking linkages with institutes of higher education abroad, and providing latest teaching/learning equipment for students and teachers. The HEC sees higher education as playing ‘a central role in the

development of both human beings and modem societies as it enhances social, cultural and economic development, active citizenship and ethical values.’ There is a need mentioned to evaluate Pakistani programmes against international standards and ranking local universities according to international ranking procedures. However, the mission statement or other policy statements of the commission do not specifically mention Islam as a guiding principle for the commission’s work.