El Proceso de Selección de Expertos

“(…) culinary virtuosities establish the plural language of stratified histories, of multiple relationships between enjoyment and manipulation, of fundamental languages spelled out in everyday details.”

(De Certeau et al, 1998, p.3)

During the fieldwork conducted for this study, I aimed to collect information that addressed the main question of this research, departing from identifying encounters as residents’ intersections at market spaces and questioning what these could inform about urban living (Section 1.1.1). I evaluated encounters as raising conflictive views over the use and access to the shared space, but also acknowledged these as bringing about negotiations towards affirmative ways of sharing and producing the space in common. Encounters in open spaces as markets become meaningful in the sense that they provide individuals with opportunities for reworking tensions from ruling systems of governance, urban imperatives of productivity or social status, such as those present in the context under study. The civic qualities of markets, expressed through residents’ relations that are at the core of markets’ commercial dynamics, have made them adapt to changing economic, political and spatial demands (Medina & Alvarez, 2009). These also invite to look at these as common spaces and resources from the collective ways in which these can be reshaped.

Under this scope, I worked with two case studies in order to build connections between urban spaces participating in the evolution of the city but at the same time, being distinctive in their roles and forms of functioning. Being located in different neighbourhoods and areas of the city, these markets informed me

about their forms of local governance, the different publics they brought about as well as about the way these spaces experienced pressures from urban growth. Hence, I could situate market encounters in the functioning of markets, strongly shaped by private modes of operation, meanings on modern living, and relations among caseros (frequent customers and traders) and strangers (Section 1.1.2).

Moreover, encounters and activities around food at markets were useful for analysing typical moments of negotiation among residents and users of these spaces (Bell, 2002). Having placed this research under the gastronomic boom period in Lima, I directed my observations on encounters mainly to physical intersections around culinary operations and relations. I placed these at the core of my analysis on everyday experiences and ‘details’, enmeshed in encounters around ‘culinary virtuosities’ (De Certeau et al., 1998), framing urban life in these shared spaces. From these, I could explore negotiations over fragmentations in urban living, and possible common actions emerging from those urban conditions. In that way, market users’ experiences of encounter, and my own experiences of participation in the social and material settings of marketplaces, informed the topics and discussions organising this work.

The focus of this research on quotidian situations in urban spaces demanded to prioritise observations and experiential approaches to inform the study (Gandy, 2016). Hence, I selected a fieldwork strategy that would allow me to acquire in depth knowledge from encounters and situate these within urban conditions shaping markets and everyday dynamics of urban living. In that endeavour, I identified that combining ethnographic methods I could most adequately respond to this research focus. I followed urban studies on the everyday life that applied combined and experiential approaches and was importantly inspired by De Certeau et al. (1998) in their study of the Croix Rousse neighbourhood in Lyon. For this research work, they applied sociological and ethnographic methods to explore the operationality, orality and ordinary of residents’ daily dynamics in this neighbourhood and also at its market. The researchers highlighted that the methods they combined to

produce this work were central aspects for developing their theoretical contributions to everyday life.

Moreover, fieldwork for this research was planned as an initial in-depth exploration to Lima’s marketplaces as spaces of encounter, given the scarce reports found on these spaces for Lima and for other cities of Peru, in general, under a focus on urban encounters and everyday negotiations in urban living.

In that sense, research methods were applied with the purpose of identifying particularities of the contexts studied, but also aiming to analyse connections between sites, and between these and broader urban processes (Robinson, 2016). In that intention, case studies were analysed with the aim of raising parallels or contrasts among their histories and relevant social, economic and political processes across the city.

I also conducted visits to other markets, in Peru and abroad, with the purpose of expanding this analysis across cities. For this, I looked at cases that had been addressed in market studies or food reports that fed into my research.

The latter referred to urban contexts portraying increased dynamism around food-centred spaces, as in the case of cities undertaking projects for the renovation or revaluation of their markets, as well as projects to consolidate these cities as gastronomic capitals. I learned about these cases while building knowledge on urban and food studies that helped me to formulate, delimit and conduct this project.

References from research projects on the social and cultural dynamics of markets were fundamental in selecting the ethnographic approach as the most suitable methodology. These projects were mainly conducted applying ethnographic methods, in which detailed observations and conversations with traders and customers were the main methods for data collection and for producing research outcomes. For instance, Watson applied this field strategy to analyse aspects of sociability and inclusion in ethnically diverse markets in the UK (Watson & Studdert, 2006; Watson, 2009); Stillerman also collected ethnographic data to approach street market vendors in Santiago, Chile and

marginalization in the city (Stillerman, 2006a). Likewise, Mele et al. (2014) applied the method of participant observation to analyse social interactions and residents’ experiences in Singaporean markets, providing insightful reflections on contemporary concerns on urban growth. The different purposes for which ethnographic studies were applied in these studies were also useful in exploring varied perspectives from which to identify and analyse encounters in case studies.

Other extensive studies on marketplaces, found after the fieldwork period, were useful for enriching my analytical work as well as the outcomes presented here. This was the case of Black (2012) in her ethnography on Porta Palazzo Market, where she identified ongoing negotiations among individuals entering in constant relation through exchanges, circulations and other shared actions shaping the market space. Moreover, Black identified main practices and elements intersecting relations and negotiations and used these as tools to reconstruct the varied urban histories she learned about along this study. For the author, engaging with an ongoing ethnographic questioning on the market scene was a central task in developing research findings, as it was in my case.

The ongoing questioning allowed me to raise the empirical discussions developed in the following chapters.

Other ethnographies on Peruvian markets, developed under the particular realities of highland cities, were also insightful to develop this work (Babb, 2008; Seligmann, 2015). These studies were conducted with a strong focus on the roles of traders, and in raising evidence on their social and economic struggles in urban living. These contrasted with my study in the sense that my intention was to capture encounters among market users in different sides of the commercial exchange. From this departing point, I questioned how those struggles and forms of fragmentation were experienced in the everyday commingling. Despite the different regards and perspectives on what these encounters may entail, these references provided an insightful background for this research from their approach to other contexts of urban Peru.

Based on these considerations, I introduce the foundations of the ethnographic methods applied during fieldwork (3.1), to next describe the selection of case studies (3.2). I move on to a detailed description of the procedures undertaken for data collection (3.3) and conclude with a description of the market environments that will be addressed in the empirical chapters, the limitations of this study in developing in-depth understandings of their complexity and finally, the analytical process undertaken to produce research outcomes (3.4).

3.1 Ethnographic approximations

Building on the ethnographic methodological foundation, I conducted this study in the field by participating in market encounters and raising questions on what markets could inform about urban living. The use of ethnographic methods implies the direct participation of the researcher in the field of study, immersing in quotidian dynamics, relations and contestations in order to interpret and reconstruct the reality addressed (Marcus, 1995). Thus, ethnographic approximations invite the researcher to engage with the multiplicity and complexity of dimensions shaping urban living, and to establish ongoing relationships and comparisons across subjects and sites (Falzon, 2009).

This sort of methodology, deriving from anthropological studies, is based on the combination of qualitative research tools that allows that immersion in living experiences of the urban field (Guber, 2001). This way, the ethnographic approach leads to address the multiplicity and dynamism of the urban realities explored, raising understandings on barriers and contestations from everyday life at markets (Duruz, 1999). Moreover, this methodology requires a reflexive practice. It implies the continuous analysis of data collected with the purpose of redefining questions along the research practice to address emerging objects of study and adequate tools to the study demands (Marcus, 1995).

This way, urban ethnographers use anthropological approaches to develop research tools that allow them to raise understandings on the complexity and diversity of urban environments and their changing dynamics.

Prior to fieldwork, I learned about the anthropological foundations of this approach, both from bibliographic revision and from putting these methods into practice in preliminary observations of foreign and local markets (See Figure 3.1). This previous formation supported me in designing the research strategy, defining the methods for collecting and producing the information discussed in analytical chapters. Likewise, I learned about visual methods in urban

ethnographies. These are valuable in documenting and supporting interpretations made of the realities observed (Harper & Faccioli, 2009). In particular for markets, visual registers have been applied for exploring the

“material culture” of these settings representing urban processes, relations and even modern living demands (Coles, 2014). These visual records were important inputs in my analysis, and significantly enriched my work in the final track of this thesis writing, illustrating and expanding my discussions.

Figure 3.1 Observing social and spatial relations.

Lunch time at the plaza. Trento. September, 2014

To gain theoretical knowledge and practical exposure on ethnographic tools, I participated in a summer school at the University of Trento before starting the fieldwork period. It was an important opportunity to learn and put into practice my role as researcher and participant observant from shared urban spaces.

Throughout this research practice, encounters around food prevailed as lenses into the fragmentations and possibilities for common living that sustain this research. Beyond its role as a primary need, food invites to approach economic systems, geographical interconnections and social arrangements that are emmeshed in its everyday practices (Giard, 1998 in De Certeau et al.,

1998). As described by anthropological discussions, the materiality of food is in itself a language since it can communicate the ‘sociocultural frameworks’

organising a society as well as the forms in which individuals operate and relate in the urban context, as in the case of operations regarding food production, consumption and incorporation (Fischler, 1988; Levi Strauss in Counihan & Van Esterik, 1997).

Through practices and meanings associated with food, it brings about differences and convergences among individuals, while inviting them to recognise themselves and others within the diverse urban collective (Barthes, 1961 in Counihan & Van Esterik, 1997). Food can also be understood as a symbol of human relationships with space, time, and urban environments, leading to individuals’ identification or differentiation from other groups of reference, consolidating affiliations, divisions and urban aspirations (Matta, 2012; Wilson, 2013). Hence, food encounters have substantially fed the following discussions, particularly given the context of renewed food interest after the Gastronomic Boom in Peru.

Food was present along the exchanges, operations and interactions. It was a key element mediating encounters, taking part in the experience of being at the markets. Food topics often facilitated talks among market users, on what was valued at these markets, what traders were proud of offering and knowing about, and what customers looked for and were willing to exchange views about. Quotidian relations and encounters around food, as an element rich in sociocultural significances, may inform us about individuals’ interpretation of the urban context, their capacity to engage with it or their restrictions to participate in the course of the city (De Certeau et al., 1998; See Figure 3.2).

On the whole, materialities as food, shared and exchanged in moments and spaces of being together, take part in developing understandings of the urban configuration in which urban lives evolve. Materialities are enmeshed in human interactions, for instance in market infrastructures hosting residents in their daily activities and items of consumption bringing customers to commingle around assets inviting to common actions (Koch & Latham, 2013). In the same

way, configurations and aesthetic elements of such assets can physically represent outcomes from unequal civic relations or privatising and individualizing processes of urban development (Bridge & Watson, 2011).

Figure 3.2 Food as lens to encounters.

Sunday market at the Croix Rousse neighbourhood.

Lyon. September, 2017

The ethnographic approach and ongoing analysis supported me in sharpening the research scope and organising my observations. Thus, I could identify fields or central aspects around which encounters evolved (Section 1.1.2), which have guided my research agenda (Section 1.3). Ethnographic approximations then allowed me to engage with urban agents, histories and

‘movements’ leading to encounters at markets. As Seligmann (2015) described in her ethnography of Cusco’s central market, observations on these

‘movements’ inside and outside the market were substantial to understand how the market was shaped by people’s activities, relations and ways of living in common. This way, I proceeded during fieldwork under these theoretical and practical understandings, based on information from the case studies I present next.

3.2 Culinary delimitations: case studies

“Instead of having one municipal market [Lima, in contrast to other Peruvian cities], there were eight neighbourhood municipal markets and, in addition, each of the eight suburbs had its own municipal

market.”

(Schneider, 1945, p.262 - 263)

Based on the ethnographic approach and recognising the need of developing close engagements with cases studies, I selected two marketplaces from which I raise parallels and contrasts from their daily operations. These were selected with the aim of reaching an adequate depth and scope – which would risk with a larger number of cases. Moreover, my evaluation was based on limitations of the period of study (timeframe and funding). I visited Lima in April 2014 to conduct a month of pre-fieldwork in order to visit and identify suitable markets for the project. In selecting these case studies, I based my considerations on the main question and respond to the expected contributions of this work (Section 1.3.1).

First of all, in order to look back at remaining spaces of encounter in the city, I focused on markets operating for longer periods than most contemporary forms of urban commerce (new private markets, stores, supermarkets) and counting with a regular attendance that has secured their sustainability.

Markets in Lima take varied forms (i.e. permanent street markets, weekly ferias or open-air markets, covered neighbourhood and municipal markets, among others) (Municipalidad de Lima, 2013). For this research, I focused in the old municipal marketplace or mercado de abastos, functioning in built and covered structures and serving as supplying centres for the corresponding jurisdiction.

These served the first suburbs at Lima, all of these in the Central area (Schneider, 1945). During pre-fieldwork, I could visit a group of these markets

and hold conversations with their participants, traders, market administrators and regular customers. I also met representatives from the Peruvian Gastronomic Society (APEGA), who shared with me their experiences in conducting social activities and attempting to implement renovation projects at various emblematic markets of the city – not all of these successful. From these views and information received, I could identify central markets in which it was feasible to carry out this research.

Secondly, in order to situate markets within the fragmented context of inner Lima, I acknowledged that the high centralization of economic activities in the city could allow me to observe the commingling of residents from different backgrounds, status and affiliations (in accordance with Díaz-Albertini, 2016 in the centralization of Metropolitan Lima). Moreover, I identified these markets were connected to areas intensely impacted by modern urbanization, as evidenced in the infrastructural and commercial development of their surroundings. Finally, the type of administration - i.e. public and private - was an important aspect considered for observing markets in a fragmented context.

The need of addressing this aspect became explicit in the limitations encountered during my pre-fieldwork research on municipal markets. Traders were often involved in conflicts with external actors, directly or indirectly impacting on their operations – such as public administrators or direct competitors, such as supermarkets. Traders’ resources to face these conflicts largely relied on their forms of internal organisation. Thus, selected cases have this contrasting aspect: one is still publicly owned and under municipal administration, and the other is owned and managed by the traders’

association.

Thirdly, I chose marketplaces presenting evident impacts from the Gastronomic Boom context in their functioning. This was in the intention of identifying possible commonalities to overcome challenges from fragmentations. In that way, I also narrowed my selection to sites participating in gastronomic projects and receiving certain attention from urban renewal interests. In that sense, I regarded food as a resource of shared interest, and

that could be considered in renewed visions for urban planning. Not all old markets had visibly assimilated this discourse or not all had succeeded in raising attention of local consumers. Maintenance conditions and the accessibility of their locations in the growing and busy city were some factors that did not favour those culinary commonalities among urban actors. In addition to my visits, I draw on other evidence on gastronomic urban plans, mainly from media reports on markets backing gastronomic symbols used at these sites.

Based on the characteristics outlined above, this study was delimited to the case studies of San Jose Market at Jesus Maria district, and Mercado N.1 (Market Number 1), Surquillo district (See Figures 3.3 & 3.4). In order to have the agreement of traders and market managers to work at both, I first presented my research purposes to the president of each traders’ association, and requested for their consent to conduct the research work at these locations. I also presented my project to the municipal authority of the corresponding district, but it was made clear beforehand – by traders and the public party – that consent should be mainly provided by the traders’

association. I prepared presentation letters for these introductory visits (Annex 1). Responses in both cases were fast and positive, from both associations and municipalities, and I could rapidly start with my research visits. This marked the start of an insightful journey with these markets. I introduce below relevant details for both cases.

Following the description of both markets, I explain the ethnographic approach applied in the field, as well as the methods, tools and sources used to situate and explore market encounters.

Source: INEI, 2018 Figure 3.3 Distribution of markets in the city of Lima.

Map showing results of the first national census of retail markets.

Map showing results of the first national census of retail markets.