Producció bovina

(n = 76)

Out of those who were hired, about two thirds were hired on a daily basis. The verbal description of the nature of their jobs by the respondents during the interviews indicates this basis of employment entailed uncertainties and insecurity. Sixteen per cent were hired by the month and 11 per cent by the year. Payment by harvest and season was reported by a very tiny minority. About 3 per cent were paid on piece rates.

Of those who were not hired, a very small proportion (4 per cent) were replaced by someone on their leaving work in the village. In 96 per cent of the cases there was no replacement when they migrated.

4.2.3 R ea so n s for leaving main job

The preceding sub-section gave the general picture regarding the nature of employment. This sub-section considers the details of why the migrants left their pre-migration jobs.

Table 4.2 presents the reasons for leaving the main occupation before migration. About two third of the respondents seem to relate leaving to the low income and the associated reasons like lack or insufficiency of land and indebtedness.^ The chi-square test result shows that the complaint of low-income (Reason 4) was from all quarters. There was no significant difference between the peasants, the wage-eamers or the artisans, traders etc. As expected, the reason - ’no land’ - was mentioned by the people describing animal husbandry and agricultural wage work as their main occupation and the reason -

’insufficiency of land’ - by those whose main job was agriculture.

Table 4.2

Reasons for leaving the pre-migration job

Code Reason Percentage of

respondents

mentioning the reason

1 Have not stopped (Go during the season) 0.6

2 No land 1.3

3 Insufficiency of land 4.5

4 Low income 58.6

5 Paid off debt 00.0

6 To repay debt / was indebted 4.5

7 Unemployment / under-employment 15.9

8 Skill not in demand there 1.3

9 Irregularity / un-punctuality of payment 4.5

10 Trouble with the employer 1.3

11 Poor working conditions 4.5

12 To take another job 0.6

13 Apprenticeship / training over 0.6

14 To learn skill / join training 1.9

15 To set up business 1.3

16 Laid off, no work 1.3

17 Laid off, other reasons 00.0

18 Job completed 00.0

19 Could not continue study 1.9

20 To get married 00.0

21 Got married 0.6

22 Pregnant 00.0

23 111 health / disability 1.3

24 Others lived here / were coming here 5.7

25 Wanted to move to another area 3.8

26 Family strategy 8.9

27 Family size large 3.8

28 Family social feud 2.5

29 Tragedy / Illness in the family 1.9

30 Caste / social oppression / violence 1.9

31 Natural disasters 7.6

32 Other reasons 3.8

(n = 157)

Sixteen per cent said they left due to unemployment or underemployment."^ These were mainly wage workers and about half of them were agricultural workers. The common complaint of tailors that work in the village was only seasonal (during marriage and festival seasons) and irregular - was construed as underemployment and hence included in this figure.

About the same proportion gave reasons which relate to specific aspects and type of job.^ So, the irregularity of payment and poor working conditions were mentioned by wage-earners, agricultural workers as well as non-agricultural workers. Apart from low wage (and irregular employment), such reasons also motivate people to move to jobs where at least the timely payment of wages is assured. The completion of training or apprenticeship was mentioned by tailors. The reasons like urge to learn a skill or join training or to set-up business were mentioned by the peasants. This group of reasons seems to reflect in various ways the importance of specific aspects of jobs, such as the development of a particular skill and the knowledge that would be in demand in the urban labour market. This amounts to an inducement to leave for a more promising labour market in urban areas.

The next important group of reasons was relating to the family, indicating the importance of the family in decisions.^ The family strategy (Reason 26) was particularly associated with peasants. Caste oppression as a reason for quitting the job was

Reason 7.

^ Reasons 8 to 15.

mentioned by only three respondents, all of whom were working in the agricultural sector (one land-owner, one share-cropper and an agricultural worker).

The presence or arrival of known people to the city and the desire of the respondents to move to city were mentioned by one in ten.^ This indicates the importance of the channels of recruitment in moving out of earlier jobs.

Natural disasters were mentioned by about 1 in 15. As expected people who mentioned this reason were peasants (two third) or agricultural labourers (one third).

It emerges that the main reasons for leaving the pre-migration jobs were low income, lack of regular employment, incompatibility of skills and jobs in the rural set-up

and family reasons.

4.2.4 Level of em ploym ent and unem ploym ent

Lack of employment has been considered an important factor in almost all migration models. The present sub-section discusses the situation faced by the sample migrants in this regard.

Figure 4.4 shows that three out of every four respondents said they were unemployed or underemployed for some time in the year before migration. 68 per cent said they

U n d e r-e m p lo y e d 6%